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U.S. Base Agreement with Colombia Suspended by Court
Posted on August 30, 2010 in Uncategorized
U.S. relations with Latin America gained a new level of complexity on August 17, 2010, when Colombia's Constitutional Court invalidated the nearly year-old agreement with the U.S. to allow the use of seven of its military bases. With its right-leaning government and expansive cooperation with the U.S., Colombia represents the last remaining ally in the region, so this is an important development. On October 30, 2009, then-President Alvaro Uribe signed what he considered an extension of Colombia's 1974 agreement with the U.S. However, shortly after his defense minister Juan Manuel Santos was sworn in as his presidential successor, the Court decided that such an agreement was unconstitutional unless it was also approved via legislative action.
According to the Constitutional Court, President Uribe's military agreement with the U.S. constituted a new international treaty, which could not be established by the executive branch alone. In addition, it implied new responsibilities would have to be met by the Colombian state, reinforcing the need for debate in Congress. This decision came after a year of controversy throughout Latin America. Domestically, apprehensions regarding the U.S.-Colombia base agreement centered on the notion that U.S. military personnel stationed in Colombia would be "above the law." Although Colombia would not give up sovereignty over the bases, U.S. soldiers would be allowed to carry and use weapons in-country, and many critics charged that human rights abuses could ensue. Despite the fact that the U.S. military has maintained a presence in Colombia for decades now, its recent track record on human rights both in the region (at Guantanamo Bay) and outside it (Iraq) were widely used to object to expanded access for the "imperial power." Regionally, the Brazilian state and others expressed concerns that the U.S. would be able to stage military offensives against neighboring countries from its bases in Colombia, as well as control Colombian airspace. Threats to the "territorial integrity" of countries like Ecuador, Venezuela, and Brazil were widely feared.
Colombian President Santos reacted with a statement that he might try to pass an even more ambitious deal with the U.S. now that Congress would be involved. Indeed, the result of recent elections indicates that he has support from a majority of legislators. The Colombian administration also emphasized that regardless of the military agreement's suspension, counterdrug and counterterrorism cooperation with the U.S. would continue.
The regional consequences of this development are many. First of all, the decision makes Colombia's recently-reinstated relations with Venezuela easier to maintain, given the Venezuelan administration's insistence that its Latin American neighbors exert their independence from the U.S. On the other hand, Colombia is demonstrating to the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela the strength of its institutions. Though ideologically and politically distant from Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, Colombian President Santos' acquiescence to the wishes of an independent branch of government provides a meaningful example of democratic behavior. The Constitutional Court has created an extra hurdle for his agenda, yet President Santos showed his respect for democratic institutions. This example builds Colombia's democratic credentials, especially after Congress prevented former President Uribe from skirting term limits in February 2010. Venezuela, with its bloated presidential powers, would do well to remember that consolidated democracy should offer more than just ballot boxes.
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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Media, marketing, and Lula's candidate: the Brazilian presidential elections
Posted on October 1, 2010 in Uncategorized
As of mid-August, a public opinion survey by IBOPE showed Dilma Rousseff emerging with a strong lead in the Brazilian presidential race. Major print outlets reported on the IBOPE results, which indicated that 55 percent of voters favored Ms. Rousseff (or "Dilma," as she is known), meaning she stood a chance of capturing the presidency in the first round of voting despite early struggles on the campaign trail. Although some Worker's Party (PT) supporters, like her former boss President Lula da Silva, have enthusiastically hailed her as their pick to become Brazil's first woman president, gender has not been a central issue in the run-up to the elections. At one point during the campaign, the São Paulo press balked at President Lula's rhetoric that Dilma would nurture the country like a "mother;" one columnist scorned references to Lula the "father" and Dilma the "mother" as a throwback to the 1950s Getulio Vargas-era. In the final week of campaigning, less than one percent of tens of thousands of Brazilian blog posts about the candidates cited Dilma as the "first woman president." Other elements of Rousseff's family and personal life have likewise been downplayed as irrelevant, which is fairly typical of Brazilian political culture. What has been emphasized is Rousseff's substance as a competent technocrat. This has helped her win points with well-informed Brazilians, especially those who are unbothered by past PT corruption scandals and the party's attachment to a strong state.
Other factors have had an undeniable influence: namely, Lula and the media. First off, Rousseff's strong identification with the ever-popular President Lula has been particularly helpful for her to reach lesser educated and economically disadvantaged Brazilians. Lula's ability to connect with the everyday needs of his constituents and his skill as a campaigner have helped transfer popularity to an otherwise stiff public figure. It is impressive, if no great surprise, that his backing has afforded Rousseff a high degree of name recognition in less than three months of official campaigning. Voters have been urged to give Rousseff their vote to ensure Brazil stays on track with the social development programs that Lula championed, which Rousseff often carried out behind the scenes.
Of course, Rousseff has also had the full resources of the ruling PT's advisors and marketers at her disposal. Use of the broadcast media is pivotal in Brazilian campaigning, and Rousseff's professional production team capitalized on it to influence voters. Her affiliation with the PT granted her more airtime than any other candidate on TV and radio, per Brazil's law on proportional representation of political parties and coalitions. She debuted with a magnificent ten minute and 38 second TV spot, appearing in tandem with President Lula. In contrast, top competitor Jose Serra of the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) was allocated a seven minute and 18 second commercial, while Marina Silva of the Green Party (PV) had just one minute and 23 seconds. The remaining "nano-candidates" made do with less than a minute each. The free TV spots aired on August 17, 2010, and it is no surprise that the turning point in public opinion came around the same time for Rousseff.
According to Professor Leonardo Barreto of the National University of Brasília (UNB), the time slots on TV are typically a key moment in the campaign season, especially for undecided voters who lack awareness of the candidates. Members of this group use the TV spots as their "main source of information" on the elections, Barreto says. Blogs and chain emails were used to reach other Brazilians, especially the conservative opposition. Complaints of media bias either for or against Rousseff appeared in the blogosphere for the duration of the campaign. In one example, a blogger claimed Rousseff had far more TV exposure than the other candidates (which is paradoxical given the mass media's hand in thwarting a Lula/PT victory decades ago). Another blogger pointed out a smear campaign by conservative magazine Veja to link the PT to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).
In the final days before the October 3, 2010 presidential election, candidate Dilma is still the projected winner. A few bumps in the road have appeared toward the end of the campaign season, as evidenced by a September 27, 2010 Datafolha poll - an affiliate of the largest domestic newspaper in circulation - showing a dip in Rousseff's lead over Jose Serra. Yet, the PT movement has remained focused on its political advantage: the people are for Lula, and Lula is for Dilma. With this approach, Rousseff's win in the first round remains a distinct possibility. Even if she does not manage 50 percent plus one until the second round, she seems almost certain to become the country's first woman president.
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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Dissonant voices: Arab Muslim perspectives on the "ground zero" mosque in social media
Posted on September 7, 2010 in Uncategorized
Christine Fergus
The past few weeks have witnessed heated debate in US media outlets over the Cordoba Initiative's proposal to build a Muslim cultural center and mosque on land situated two blocks from Ground Zero. At first glance, the arguments have tended to fall along political, rather than religious, fault lines in American society. Many conservative news sources condemn the proposal as insensitive and an insult to the families of 9/11 victims. Many liberal commentators, meanwhile, defend the proposed mosque on the basis of upholding religious freedom as well as concerns over national security. They warn that such strident opposition to building the cultural center only makes Al Qaeda's argument that the West is at war with Islam more persuasive to would-be extremists.
As midterm elections approach, there are increasing signs that the mosque issue is resonating on the campaign trail. The battle lines, however, are not clearly split between Democrats and Republicans; rather, the debate has caused an apparent rift between the White House and Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the most powerful Democrat in the Senate. And so, it seems likely that the ongoing controversy, and the related sensitive subject matters, will continue to receive play throughout the election season. However, while both mainstream and independent US media have provided an array of domestic perspectives on the issue, there has been little talk (with the exception of this piece from the Christian Science Monitor and, more recently, an LA Times article) of how the debate is playing out among Muslims in the Arab world.
A glance at the reader comments posted in the Arabic-language sections of major news sites, such as Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya, demonstrates not only that Arab Muslim readers have taken an interest in the issue, but also that they harbor a broad range of opinions on the notion of building an Islamic center so close to Ground Zero.
There are high levels of opposition to the proposal, but for widely varying reasons. Many reader comments express distrust toward the mosque's primary movers, including the owner, Sherif Al Jamal and mosque leader Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf. Some challenge the piety of Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf, whose wife does not wear a head scarf, while others assert that the building of the mosque is "not out of love for Islam" but rather is designed to stir up discord (fitna) between religions. Others express more traditionally radical perspectives, upholding the idea that the debate does, in fact, show that the US is "at war with Islam."
Moderate voices who oppose the proposal have done so out of respect for 9/11 victims and their families, and empathize with the feelings of Americans and non-Muslims. They echo the opinions of many here in the US who see no problem with building another mosque in Manhattan, but feel that the location is provocative and ill-advised. Several also warn that the mosque, and the Muslims who attend it, could be targeted by acts of violence. Another calls the proposal a mistake because Muslims "do not need a $100 million mosque at the site of the largest terrorist incident perpetrated in the name of Islam."
Comments written in favor of the proposal also reflect a number of perspectives. Some support the construction simply on the basis that Muslims have the legal right to build mosques in the US. A Doha-based reader states that he initially opposed the mosque (for reasons unspecified), but changed his mind after listening to the "hatred" directed at American Muslims by the "New Christian Right" and its failure to distinguish between Islam and Al Qaeda. To not build the mosque, he writes, only supports the conflation of Islam with terror. A supportive Jordanian reader advised the project leadership to provide, "as a gift to the American people," prayer space in the center for Christians, Buddhists, and anyone else who lost loved ones in 9/11. A common theme across reader comments, regardless of whether they are for or against the construction of this mosque, is an acute desire to defend Islam and its practitioners against accusations of terrorism.
Nevertheless, whereas news sites managed to spark a moderate degree of discourse among readers, the controversy did not appear to be a major topic of conversation on Arabic web forums, which represent a very popular medium among online users in the Arab world for articulating their views on pressing political and religious issues. Although users of some of the most active Arabic-language web forums, such as Al Jazeera Talk, reposted relevant news articles, these posts garnered few responses and were easily overshadowed by discussions of regional - versus US - news items. It would be illogical, however, to assume that Muslims in distant lands would be equally as caught up in the firestorm of debate triggered by the "Ground Zero" mosque proposal and perpetuated by our hype-addicted mainstream media conglomerates. At the very heart of the controversy, after all, lie the wholly domestic issues that we've been grappling with since the founding of this nation. What defines us as Americans? And, how can we best apply the guiding principles of our Constitution - particularly guarantees of religious liberty - to the changing landscape of American society?
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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The growing influence of Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb and its impact in international relations
Posted on September 2, 2010 in Uncategorized
Margie Velazquez
Over the last two weeks, Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) grabbed international headlines, particularly those of the African francophone and southern European press. The first event that grabbed the attention of news organizations and news junkies worldwide was the August 22nd release in Mali of two Spanish hostages, kidnapped by AQIM in Mauritania last November. This incident, a positive one at first glance, refocused the spotlight on the issue of negotiating with terrorists and whether such dealings simply serve to empower their actions and legitimize their causes. Spanish newspaper El Mundo reported that Spain paid approximately $5 million for the release of the two hostages. In addition, according to reports in El Mundo and other international papers, it is widely believed that Omar Saharawi, the mercenary who captured the hostages, was extradited to Mali as part of the deal. These occurrences triggered discussions in the African press about states choosing to negotiate with threatening non-state actors. An editorial on Burkina Faso's Faso Press criticized Spain's actions. The editorial was particularly opposed to the large ransom purportedly paid, as it is widely known that AQIM uses such money to finance its illegal actions, including, but not limited to, recruitment and trafficking. The title of the editorial sarcastically stated that "AQIM had hit the jackpot" by freeing the hostages, suggesting that Spain's short term gain in liberating their nationals will lead to a long term loss in terms of international security. In other words, if AQIM thinks certain countries will bargain with it so that it can use hostages to fund its other terrorist activities, it will operate according to the belief that "it worked this time, it may work next time as well."
More importantly, this incident has impacted not only media opinion pieces, but actual international relations. As recently as August 25th, Nicolas Sarkozy of France condemned Spain's actions, as reported by Le Figaro. Sarkozy believes that paying such large amounts of money in exchange for prisoners should not be the preferred strategy in dealing with extremists. Clearly, southern European nations, with their proximity to Africa and the prevalence of terrorist activities against their citizens, are acutely aware of and concerned about AQIM's threats as well as how each individual state reacts to such terrorism. With respect to hostage bartering, Madrid and Paris are not in unison. It is important to recall the case of Michel Germaneau, a French hostage killed in July. France, in contrast to Spain, did not acquiesce to AQIM's demands to secure the release of its citizens. Without opining on whether or not states should negotiate with terrorists, the mere fact that two countries that face the same threat disagree publicly on how to deal with these extremists in many ways strengthens AQIM's legitimacy and gives it a larger platform - something all terrorist groups desire. A cursory view at the timeline bears out the point - the hostages were liberated on the 22nd and the international press was still detailing the story three days later because of Sarkozy's criticism of Spain.
On August 25th, AQIM made other headlines as well. Members of the north African press reported that AQIM had executed an Algerian hostage in Mali. Moreover, a suicide attack, which was accredited to the group, took place in Mauritania. Interestingly, these events occurred after the liberation of the Spanish hostages, leading to the following questions: Did AQIM feel tactically empowered after its hostage negotiations? How can European and African states curtail AQIM's growing influence? And, within the context of US interests, when are we going to pay closer attention to AQIM? This is not just an African or southern European problem. AQIM's connections to other Al Qaida branches are threats to the US and its interests in maintaining a stable Africa and achieving regional and international security.
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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ConStrat Awarded U.S. Central Command (US CENTCOM) Contract to Support Communication Integration and Planning
Posted on January 11, 2011 in Uncategorized
Washington, DC. (August, 2010) – Concepts & Strategies, Inc., was awarded a contract by US CENTCOM in August 2010, to support communication integration and planning activities within US CENTCOM. As part of the CENTCOM Communications Integration (CCCI) contract award, ConStrat and its teammates will also aid US CENTCOM with media monitoring, analysis, social media communications and website management.
“With ConStrat’s extensive experience in cultural & linguistic analysis and interactive web activities, we’re ideally positioned to help CCCI in these operations,” said ConStrat President Jason Hinton. “We know the mission and understand the challenges facing CENTCOM. Our utmost priority is to provide support and tactical solutions to our nation’s warfighter.”
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ConStrat is a Washington, DC based small business that specializes in assisting government agencies, commercial entities, non-profits, and non-governmental organizations develop their communication and engagement strategies. We employ traditional print, broadcast, and interactive web-based tools and techniques accomplish our clients’ missions. The ConStrat team utilizes techniques honed in its service of the Federal Government – including the White House, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Department of Defense, the Departments of Education and Health and Human Services – as well as skills acquired during political, corporate, and international communications campaigns. Our staff brings decades of experience in:
- Corporate marketing
- Public affairs and public relations
- New media outreach and branding
- International security
- Grassroots organizing and advocacy
- Cyber engagement and analytics
- Reputation and brand management
- Cultural and linguistic support
- Crisis and risk management
Our multi-disciplinary approach allows ConStrat to provide a sophisticated level of information awareness, analysis and response.
At ConStrat, effective communications is mission critical.
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Japanese Companies' Bold Attempt to Expand Business Abroad
Posted on August 8, 2010 in Uncategorized
Atsushi Yuzawa
Two young, but prominent Japanese companies, Fast Retailing Co. and Rakuten Inc., recently made public their plans to start conducting all official internal communication in English in 2012.
Fast Retailing leader Tadashi Yanai said the change is meant to help his business, known for its popular Uniqlo casual-clothing store chain, "survive as a global company." Shortly after Fast Retailing's surprise announcement, Rakuten President Hiroshi Mikitani declared that his ultimate goal is "to become the No. 1 Internet service company in the world" and, to achieve that goal, the operator of the largest cybermall in Japan "will cease to be a Japanese company" and "morph into a global company."
These bold proclamations by the fast-growing Japanese companies made headlines as Japan Inc. faces a shrinking domestic market and tries to find ways to expand its business abroad. They also generated mixed responses from the public, including some bloggers questioning the need for, and effectiveness of, such drastic steps.
Mikitani acknowledged that switching his company's official communication tool from Japanese to English would be a challenge for any Japanese firm, but also stressed that "if we don't do it, Japan is finished."
"Japan is finished"?
He might be right. The country has long failed to move forward amid the lack of political leadership and the spread of the so-called Galapagos Syndrome, a phenomenon characterized by Japanese companies' pursuit of high-end products, such as very sophisticated cell phones, which sell well in Japan but only in Japan due to their failure to meet global specifications. The country is in dire need of a new model to connect better with the rest of the world and revitalize its citizens.
Since Rakuten announced its policy change, some employees with poor English skills have been thinking about changing jobs, according to one blogger, but many have signed up for English courses at language schools near Rakuten's head office. Fast Retailing is also moving swiftly and its employees are reportedly busy receiving English lessons. Though it is too early to tell how Fast Retailing and Rakuten's new endeavor will affect their operations at home and abroad, the move to English-only in-house communication should serve as a wake-up call for Japan's inward-looking policymakers and corporate leaders.
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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BP oil disaster raises Brazilian concerns about drilling in ultra-deep waters
Posted on August 4, 2010 in Uncategorized
Brazil's state-run oil company Petrobrás does not yet possess the technology to drill 22,965 feet beneath the ocean floor to recover all of the country's "pre-salt" oil reserves, but it plans to get there soon enough. The Brazilian government is considering a five-year, $200 billion dollar investment to help Petrobrás push the limits of drilling in ultra-deep waters, which has been described as the oil industry's "final frontier." Meanwhile, the Brazilian Senate has already voted to issue additional public shares in the company to raise $25 billion dollars from investors. Yet, at a depth of only 5,000 feet, the implications of the BP oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico are quite serious for Brazil and Petrobrás. The population's enthusiasm and pride in the discovery of up to ten billion barrels of offshore oil in the Santos Basin has dampened in light of the massive U.S. leak, and the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva administration's "full steam ahead" approach to pursuing offshore oil exploration has lost its appeal for some Brazilians who fear that investing too heavily and quickly in deepwater drilling could backfire.
Will the Lula da Silva administration follow the precedent set by the U.S. and Norway, postponing new drilling and exploration of the pre-salt oil reserves? Will the National Agency of Petroleum, Natural Gas, and Biofuels (ANP) do everything possible to ensure that Petrobrás and other firms will be able to respond to oil leaks before they are allowed to drill? Brazil's major media outlets have indicated that they hope the answer to both questions is "yes," yet they are openly skeptical. Syndicated O Globo columnist Miriam Leitão argued on June 8, 2010 that it would be bad timing for President Lula to approve a huge capital investment project for Petrobrás. Great uncertainty in the markets and in technological limitations meant that long term investments in pre-salt oil exploration should be postponed, Leitão advised, especially given the fact that a new Brazilian administration would take over in just seven months. A June 13, 2010 editorial in O Estado de São Paulo asserted that the international public was aware that although "the technology for deepwater drilling exists, it remains quite deficient for facing disasters like that of the Gulf of Mexico." O Estado's editorial staff indicated that it would be unwise to spend the billions of dollars required to tap into Brazil's pre-salt reserves, while ignoring the obvious risk associated with complex drilling operations. In sum, critics in the Brazilian press urged their government to do more to guarantee security in offshore oil exploration activities before committing funds to long-term capital investments. They challenged the urgency of the five-year investment plan claimed by Petrobrás, which has been described as "in a hurry" to receive congressional approval for the substantial pre-salt funding.
To Petrobrás' credit, on the strength of its cutting-edge technologies, it has built a very favorable international reputation for deepwater drilling. PFC Energy reported in January 2010 that Petrobrás was the fourth largest energy company worldwide in terms of market value. In June, media outlets publicized the company's successful response to a minor (400 gallon) spill on a rig near Macaé in the Santos Basin. Brazilians do not hold a negative view of the corporation that has been promised the rights to at least five billion barrels of the total pre-salt oil reserves. Therefore, critics' pessimism likely has more to do with mistrust in the government's ability to enforce a strict regulatory structure. The U.S. is seen as having failed in this capacity, and the press lacks confidence in the Brazilian state to do better.
A small, vocal segment of Brazilian society has consistently opposed petroleum exploration based on environmental concerns, but on the whole, massive offshore drilling is seen as strategic for national development, international competitiveness, and economic growth. Rather than insist that new drilling operations be halted altogether, critics in the Brazilian media have been more apt to question the government's reliance on pre-salt oil as a long-term strategy. Since the Tupi oil well discovery in the Santos Basin in 2007, Brazilian oil finds have been touted as a cure-all that could generate enough revenue to broadly expand social spending. On the one hand, refusing Petrobrás the funds it needs for research and development because of the BP spill would mean delaying technological advancements that will likely be indispensible in the future. On the other, the upfront capital investments that Petrobrás says are required to support the current oil exploration model could cripple the state's ability to pay for basic services like education and healthcare today.
The media has some realistic advice for Brazil's leaders as they confront this dilemma: as long as the country is not faced with 40,000 barrels of oil spewing from its undersea reserves each day, they should allow themselves the luxury of establishing a regulation and inspection regime that is feasible in the first place.
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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Capture of a "narco-submarine" in Ecuador: inter-American cooperation in the international "war on drugs"
Posted on July 26, 2010 in Uncategorized
Margie Velazquez
On July 2, 2010, a joint US-Ecuadorian law enforcement-military operation led to the capture of a submarine in Ecuador, which presumably would have been used to ship cocaine from South America to Mexico. This seizure marked the second submarine found in Ecuador this year, and constituted a two-fold event with respect to the US and international war on drug trafficking.
On the negative side, it demonstrated the sophistication of drug cartels in Latin America in that these transnational criminals displayed a high level of fluidity and adaptability. The vessel is an advanced piece of technology that would have provided unnoticed mobility via Ecuador for drug suppliers in other South American countries, such as Peru and Colombia. As reported by Ecuadorian newspaper El Comercio, US Ambassador to Ecuador Heather Hodges stated that Ecuador does not produce coca leaves and, thus, its perceived less stringent anti-drug operations make the country a good transit zone for traffickers. In fact, the submarine was captured on an estuary near San Lorenzo, Esmeraldas, an area near the Colombian border - an ideal location to hide such a high-end vessel and access the continent's main narcotics suppliers. Meanwhile, within the theoretical realm of international relations, the presence of this technology in the hands of drug cartels only leads to further questions about the supremacy of the state and its monopoly over this type of equipment. This latest episode reveals that these narco-traffickers have access to pieces of technology that the public often associates as being available only to a nation's military. The incident shows us how such equipment may become important instruments in promoting illegal activity across country lines. Thus, the capture of the submarine represents yet another talking point within contemporary discussions about growing transnational threats and their confrontation (and co-existence) with traditional state systems.
On the positive side, the sub's capture was a huge success for joint military-law enforcement and international cooperation. The US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and the Ecuadorian military and police joined hands in this operation: Optimal sharing of intelligence from the DEA allowed its Ecuadorian counterparts to effectively detain the vessel. In fact, regarding the US and its relationship with Latin American countries, this news provided an opportunity to improve Washington's image in the region. In this case, the US was not depicted as the wealthy northern country whose every move was based on its own interest. Instead, the US was viewed as a good partner working with its southern neighbors to combat international illegal activity - a move that benefited not only the United States, but every country in the Americas.
Additionally, this event could not have unfolded at a better time with respect to US-Latin American collaboration in the fight against drugs and international crime. For many, it represents part of the larger inter-American effort to deal with transnational threats. In Honduras, as reported by La Tribuna on July 7, joint steps are currently being taken by this Central American country and the US to combat organized crime pursuant to the Mérida Initiative of 2008. Clearly, such collaboration with Latin American states leads to concrete successes in the area of international security, but it also serves as an important public relations vehicle for the US as it appears to take an equal cooperative role with these countries in order to fight a common threat.
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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Competition or cooperation?
Posted on July 21, 2010 in Uncategorized
Katherine Stewart
A scull of an early hominid, 1.8 million years-old, was discovered in the ancient village of Dmanisi, Georgia. The pre-historic human was remarkable not only because of its age, but also because of what his discovery revealed about the social relationships of our ancestors. Scientists were stunned to learn that this early human lost all of his teeth early in life, yet survived until an old age. Such findings suggest that a certain type of social organization based on mutual care already existed 1.8 million years ago.
What can this prehistoric human teach modern humans about themselves and their corporations?
In an individualistic culture such as ours, each person is valued for his or her own achievements and the group mentality is often overlooked. Individualism is a very important concept in our society, wherein a person is honored for his/her success and, in some cases, placed above the group. In organizational structures, competition often becomes fierce among members of the same group, resulting in the sacrificing of mutual cooperation and team environments.
Modern day corporations try to merge the concepts of "team work" and "individual success," understanding that striking a perfect balance between the two usual leads to the best results. Team work is rooted in collectivistic cultures, while individual achievement is the product of individualistic societies. Because of the core differences between these two ideas, competition among members of the same team is a natural outcome in organizations seeking to create and maintain that equilibrium. Hence, what may appear to be the ideal team setting is often a competitive battleground.
Corporations see value in the team environment because it directly translates into the company's bottom line. Many employees who are trying to get ahead in a company often place personal gains over the "group need," thus weakening the very fabric of the team structure. True team work is also based on mutual trust and selfless giving by each member of the group for the goodness of all. It is not unusual for the group in such an environment to mobilize all its resources to save the weakest link, if necessary. However, when team work meets individual achievement, such weak links are frequently viewed as burdens on the rest of the group. At first glance, this process may seem like natural selection - the survival of the fittest, where those who survive can better contribute to the overall success of the corporation. A closer look at this perspective, however, reveals its counter productivity. In such a setting, trust is often undermined, because members of the group are viewed as easily replaceable.
If our hero, a 1.8 million year old hominid lived in a different environment and members of his society did not mobilize to care for him, he would not have survived without teeth for so many years. Although it would have been easier for his society to leave him behind to die, these early humans made a different choice. Moreover, by helping him stay alive, the toothless ancient human likely contributed to his community in ways that he obviously could not have if he were left to fend for himself. Thus, the example of this prehistoric hominid teaches us the true meaning of the team dynamic. It also suggests that cooperative environments instill trust and mutual respect, while helping to ensure the survival and success of both the individual and the corporation.
Source: The Independent
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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Spain and France: successful collaboration dismantles the leadership of the Basque Separatist group ETA
Posted on June 11, 2010 in Uncategorized
Margie Velazquez
The last couple of weeks have proven to be quite an accomplishment for inter-European counterterrorist operations against the Basque separatist group ETA. Both French and Spanish newspapers have extensively reported on such successes: On May 20, 2010, Mikel Kabikoitz Carrera Sarobe, ETA's presumed No. 1, was arrested in the French city of Bayonne in the company of ETA's No.2 man, Arkaitz Agirregabiria, who was responsible for the death of ETA's last victim, a French gendarme. This arrests were carried out by the Direction Nationale Antiterroriste (DNAT), the French judicial police, and RAID (the French "SWAT" team under the French National Police). The mission was in collaboration with Spanish law enforcement agencies, including theGuardia Civil (Spain's military police similar to the French gendarmerie) and the Spanish National Police.
This campaign proved to be a success for law enforcement on both sides of the Pyrenees: Multiple agencies in France and Spain shared information and conducted a well-organized operation that led to the capture of the presumed leadership of ETA. Furthermore, it exemplified the tactics that European countries employ in dealing with terrorism. There, terrorism constitutes a law enforcement problem, and as such law enforcement agencies are the primary actors responsible for its eradication. Both France and Spain utilize large national police forces that have traditionally led counterterrorism efforts that continue to thrive by pulling necessary resources, sharing information and directly dealing with such threats.
More importantly, this undertaking amounted to a "big thumbs up" for cooperation between Spain and France. Such collaboration exists not only at the law enforcement level but also at the political level where both the Spanish and French political leadership have joined hands in their work against ETA. It is remarkable to observe how Nicolas Sarkozy, a center-right president, and José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, the Spanish socialist president, leave ideological differences aside and deal with this security threat that affects both of their countries. In fact, Sarkozy has been lauded in the Spanish press for showing a strong commitment in counterterrorist operations against ETA; a commitment that was reinforced in March of this year.
Interestingly, even in the current toxic political environment in Spain, where the opposition center-right party, the Partido Popular, and the ruling socialist party, thePartido Socialista, are constantly throwing barbs at each other, there has been a sort of political truce with respect to this issue. El Mundo, the traditionally center-right Spanish newspaper, reported that the Partido Popular's spokesperson praised these counterterrorism efforts against ETA. At least, at the moment, neither political differences nor President Zapatero's low domestic ratings have been an impediment in dealing with this security issue at the Spanish national level or in working with French counterparts at the European regional level.
More importantly, as recently as June 1, 2010, a presumed member of ETA was captured in Hendaye, France as reported by the Spanish National Radio and propagated by newspapers in both France and Spain, including France's Le Monde. Again, this evidences the collaborative achievements of French and Spanish law enforcement agencies. Hopefully, such teamwork at all levels will continue to exist and grow between France and Spain, and other European countries, as they deal not just with ETA, but with other matters of European and international security. Leaving politics aside on matters of security, there is much to learn from such partnerships and sharing of information.
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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Northern Caucasus: Russia's Afghanistan
Posted on June 8, 2010 in Uncategorized
Katherine Stewart
Between the Black and the Caspian Seas and surrounded by the Caucasus Mountains, the Northern Caucasus region has been Russia's "Achilles Heel" for centuries. The predominantly Muslim peoples who inhabit these lands have been waging war against Russian occupation for 146 years. Tsarist Russia eventually succeeded in defeating the Chechen fighters and their leader Imam Shamil in 1859 and occupied many diverse ethnic groups who speak over 46 different languages. However, Russia's long lasting war in the Northern Caucasus became a quagmire, slowly pulling Moscow in its own war on terror.
Following the break-up of the USSR, Chechnya declared its independence from Russia, but Vladimir Putin's army violently crushed the Chechen rebellion and annihilated much of the nation's adult male population. Today Chechen and Ingush rebels led by Dokku Umarov continue to orchestrate terrorist attacks against Russia and wage anti-Russian Jihad. One of the most vicious terrorist attacks took place in the city of Beslan, Northern Ossetia in September 2004 when Chechen rebels besieged the city's school building and massacred some 300 hostages, mostly young Russian students.
Islamist rebels in the Northern Caucasus want to create an Emirate of Caucasus governed by Sharia law. Islamist radicals from Ingushetia, Chechnya, and the Dagestan regions claimed responsibility for various attacks, including the derailment of the Russian express train "Nevsky Express" in late 2009, and the suicide bombing in Moscow's subway in the spring of 2010.
"Imarat Kavkaz" (Emirate of Caucasus) is a powerful radical Islamist organization waging war against Russia and the West, both on the ground and in cyber space. Members of the organization are also avid bloggers. These radicals are expanding their networking capabilities beyond the region and recruiting Jihadist fighters from many other Islamic-leaning countries, including Egypt, Turkey, and Tunisia. Some bloggers identify themselves as members of the Afghan Taliban and the Iranian Jundallah groups. Many Russian media analysts think that the Imarat Kavkaz is part of Al Qaeda's network, receiving funds from its parent organization.
In its desperate confrontation against Russia, Imarat Kavkaz is now reaching outside the countries of Muslim faith hoping to unite the entire Caucasus region, including Georgia, in its fight against Russian occupation. Tbilisi, however, has its own problems with Moscow: it stood on the brink of war with Russia in August 2008 over the two break-away regions, Abkhazia and Samachablo (historical district within South Ossetia). Moreover, if Imarate Kavkaz succeeded in luring Georgia into unifying with it, there would be devastating consequences. Although the two neighbors share a common enemy, Russia, and Moscow continues to threaten the independence of both regions, Georgia is a modern democratic country with a history of built upon defensive wars against Muslim invaders. If Georgia chooses to unite with the Northern Caucasus, the country would likely find itself, once again, fighting to survive as a Christian country.
Russia, on the other hand, is not about to give up its occupational policy in the Caucasus region. Moscow may have won its battle against Imam Shamil over a century ago, but it lost the war against the Caucasus. Islamist radicals from the Northern Caucasus region will continue the legacy of their forefather, Imam Shamil, turning the Caucasus region into Moscow's next Afghanistan.
Sources:
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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ConStrat to Provide Support to U.S Special Operations Command and Worldwide Subcomponents
Posted on June 4, 2010 in Uncategorized
SRA-Led Team Awarded $1.5 Billion Multi-Award Contract from Department of Defense
Washington, DC, June 4, 2010 - ConStrat, a woman and minority-owned small business offering a unique blend of strategic communications, analysis, and risk assessment services, today announced it has won an indefinite delivery, indefinite quantity (IDIQ) Global Battlestaff and Program Support from the United States Special Operations Command (USSOCOM) at MacDill Air Force Base in Tampa, Fla, as a subcontractor to Prime Contractor, SRA International, Inc. The multi-award contract has an estimated value of $1.5 billion over five years, if all options are exercised.
USSOCOM's mission is to provide fully capable Special Operations Forces to defend the United States and its interests, and to plan and synchronize operations against terrorist networks. ConStrat will provide its unique services and expertise to support USSOCOM's mission in the functional areas of operations and intelligence.
"As part of the SRA team, we are driven to enhance USSOCOM's mission by providing outstanding operational and tactical support," said ConStrat CEO Mary Clare Gumbleton. "ConStrat is fully committed to providing high quality information operations, communications and analysis services to our nation's special operations warriors who daily defend and protect the U.S and our nation's interests."
The SRA team includes a number of subcontractors who will support USSOCOM in three functional areas: operations and intelligence, acquisition and logistics, and financial management and business operations. The SRA team is one of four award winners on this multi-award contract.
ConStrat is a facility-cleared woman and minority-owned small business offering a unique blend of experience assisting government, military, and private sector organizations in the development and implementation of strategic communications and information operations. ConStrat combines the use of state-of-the-art technology with cultural, linguistic and analytical expertise to achieve our client's organizational goals for message development and information collection, assessment, dissemination, and communications engagement objectives.
ConStrat employs more than forty employees serving clients from headquarters in Washington, DC, and offices around the world. For additional information on ConStrat, please visit www.constrat.net.
Any statements in this press release about future expectations, plans, and prospects for ConStrat, including statements about the estimated value of the contract and work to be performed, and other statements containing the words "estimates," "believes," "anticipates," "plans," "expects," "will," and similar expressions, constitute forward-looking statements within the meaning of The Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. Actual results may differ materially from those indicated by such forward-looking statements. In addition, the forward-looking statements included in this press release represent our views as of June 3, 2010. We anticipate that subsequent events and developments will cause our views to change. However, while we may elect to update these forward-looking statements at some point in the future, we specifically disclaim any obligation to do so. These forward-looking statements should not be relied upon as representing our views as of any date subsequent to June 3, 2010.
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WikiLeaks Iraq Video: A Social Media Phenomenon
Posted on May 25, 2010 in Uncategorized
Margie Velazquez
On April 5th a video showing the killings of 12 civilians including two Reuters employees by a US Apache helicopter in 2007 was leaked via WikiLeaks. The WikiLeaks video proved to be a social media phenomenon. In our current technology-driven world where the Internet is king and social media is taking such an active role in the propagation of information, this is somewhat expected. However, in the case of the leak of this video, the role of social media outlets achieved even greater prominence - not only because of the speed in which the video was propagated via social media channels, but because of the conversations that appeared in conjunction with this video.
The revealing of the video provided an opportunity for social media users to question the role of the traditional media. FAIR: Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting posted an article, on its website that criticized the lack of coverage that the video received in traditional news outlets, and shared a link to the video. This article was reposted on several blogs and news sites, many of which originated in other countries (the same article, for example, appeared on www.indiatimes.com). Soon, the title of the article, IraqKillings and Media Indifference. Leaked video mostly ignored by corporate media, became a common retweet on Twitter. The tweets offered links to several blogs that had reposted the FAIR article. The mere propagation of information via these diverse social media channels amplified coverage of the video and further legitimized social media outlets as important actors in the information arena. Social media, on its own, brought the story to the average citizen via WikiLeaks, and social media, by its very nature, circulated it without the intrusion of "more traditional" or "more legitimate" forms of media. In other words, it solely provided the service of informing the general public - a role that traditional media outlets claim to provide.
The airing of the video also led to conversations about the role of social media itself and what it means to disseminate this type of information. The fact that the video was leaked via a non-traditional media outlet led users (ironically using social media outlets such as Twitter) to question its legitimacy. Others, though, lauded WikiLeaks' decision to disclose the video and emphasized the right of the general public to access this type of information.
More importantly, this video reopened old wounds and brought the issue of civilian deaths back to the forefront of discussions about US military operations. Questions about collateral damage ("collateral murder" was the phrase widely used in this case) and the concept of differentiation of non-combatants resurfaced. Comments were highly critical of the US military and its perceived disregard for human life. A common conversation online compared the killings shown in the Wikileaks video to the images of a videogame. Discussions emphasized the psychological desensitizing of military personnel on the battlefield which led them to engage in such actions.
In sum, the WikiLeaks video led not only to conversations about the role of social media itself, but also about the concept of jus in bello: how a war should be fought and within which parameters. The video, thanks to social media, has become an integral part of the discussions about indiscriminate civilian deaths on the battlefield.
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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Japan Back in Quagmire
Posted on May 20, 2010 in Uncategorized
Atsushi Yuzawa
After only eight months in office, Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama is already facing a grim future. The latest media polls show that his cabinet's approval ratings dropped to the 20-percent level, reflecting the premier's lack of leadership in handling some key issues such as the relocation of the US Marines' Futenma air station in Okinawa Prefecture.
During the Lower House election campaign last summer, Hatoyama pledged that he would seek the transfer of the controversial US base away from Okinawa, which has long shouldered the burden of hosting the largest number of US troops in Japan. After the historic win of his Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) over the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), Hatoyama formed a new government in September and promised the public and the US that by the end of May 2010, he would find a new site for the Futenma base. According to the 2006 Japan-US agreement the base is scheduled to move to Nago City on northeastern Okinawa as a key component of the US military realignment.
Hatomaya's promise enthused Okinawans but upset the US government. Today, with less than two weeks left in May, both Okinawans and the US are frustrated and unhappy because Hatoyama has yet to come up with a feasible alternative plan. Echoing this sentiment, the Japanese media - both conservative and liberal outlets - carried scathing comments on Hatoyama, who started making excuses for his inability to deliver on his promise. Conservative Sankei Shimbun called for Hatoyama to apologize to Okinawans and then step down so that the base will be relocated as planned and the Japan -US alliance maintained. Citing Hatoyama's political accountability, liberal Asahi Shimbunurged him to explain to the public how he failed to keep his word, and suggested Tokyo and Washington make a fresh start on the matter by first identifying common threats in the region and reviewing the US Marines' roles and their overall strategy in East Asia.
Not everybody, however, is so negative about Hatoyama. Soichiro Tahara, a prominent Japanese journalist and critic, voiced his understanding of Hatoyama's refusal to make behind-the-scenes deals (as his LDP predecessors used to do) and his attempts to make his government's decision-making process transparent. He also criticized the mass media for adhering to its old, LDP-era mindset which only clouds their view of Hatoyama. In a recent e-mail, my friend in Japan also said Hatoyama probably was selflessly trying to ease the burden of Okinawans and although his efforts unfortunately generated more chaos, the Japanese people have begun to see the Okinawa base issue as their own.
If the latest polls are any indication, the Hatoyama -led DPJ is certain to have a difficult time in the Upper House elections this summer. Will the LDP return to power then? That is very unlikely. Notably, the former ruling party is also doing very poorly in the polls as its leadership apparently has failed to take advantage of Hatoyama's unpopularity. The nation-wide fever Hatoyama generated last summer has all but disappeared and Japan, it seems, has sunk back into a quagmire.
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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US-India Nuclear Agreement: It's still a Good Deal
Posted on December 4, 2010 in Uncategorized
Scott Kleinmann
President Barack Obama's trip to India last month re-energized debate regarding the wisdom behind the US-India nuclear cooperation agreement. The possible loss of Indian markets for US businesses as a result of India's new "Civil Liability for Nuclear Damages Bill" ruffled the feathers of Washington policy wonks-leading some to ask if the United States was still actually benefiting from the deal. The answer to the question is: Yes, but indirectly. Its impact on the environment and nuclear non-proliferation will still benefit the United States, as well as the world, in the long run.
In 2008, the US and the 46 members of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) allowed India to buy fuel, reactors, and enrichment and reprocessing technology in exchange for increased nuclear safeguards. The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which India has refused to join, heretofore denied India those benefits, prompting critics to assert that the US-India nuclear agreement undermines the NPT as well as the non-nuclear states that adhere to the treaty responsibly.
When India passed its "Civil Liability for Nuclear Damages Bill" in August, critics further argued that India had upset the balance of the deal, robbing American companies of the estimated $150 billion nuclear supply market in India. Since the law allows the victims of nuclear accidents to sue nuclear materials suppliers for damages, it is too risky for private companies to sell to India. The market now favors state-backed nuclear suppliers in France and Russia. The potential loss to US businesses left CSIS blogger Terrence P. Smith wondering: "Did the US get anything out of the deal?"
What the US and the rest of the international community get from the agreement is a population behemoth that will use less fossil fuel and emit less pollution in the future. India is the fourth largest oil consumer and third largest fossil-fuel CO2-emitting country. According to Federation of American Scientists President Charles Ferguson, "India's electricity demand will increase at a rate of 6 to 8 percent annually" through 2020. Though Ferguson points out that the nuclear pact may only boost India's nuclear-generated electricity from three to five percent of India's demands in the next ten years, his analysis only considers the short-term. Without the deal, India is running low on domestic nuclear fuel and will have to rely more on coal. The resulting increased nuclear energy capability can put India on a path to a more viable clean alternative to fossil fuel beyond 2020. With over a billion people and still growing, diversifying India's energy supply and reducing its carbon footprint will benefit the world greatly.
The agreement will also pull India into the international non-proliferation community. India has always rejected the NPT as discriminatory for not recognizing countries which developed nuclear weapons after 1968. India's refusal to join the NPT as a non-nuclear weapons member means that it does not fall within the non-proliferation regime. However, under the agreement, India will sign the Additional Protocol, allowing the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to inspect its civilian nuclear program; place 14 of 22 civilian power reactors under permanent IAEA safeguards; and continue its moratorium on nuclear weapons testing. While the agreement allows India to maintain its military program, the resulting perception of respect for India, says former IAEA Director Mohamed ElBaradei, will make India more likely to cooperate with the international non-proliferation community.
Rather than worrying that a nuclear cooperation agreement with a non-NPT member undermines the treaty or sends the wrong message to responsible adherents to the NPT, the international community should look to the US-India deal as a potential model for closer collaboration with other non-NPT members. The NSG exempted India from restrictions because, despite not being a member to the NPT, India maintained similar high standards of non-proliferation.
The NSG should set non-proliferation benchmarks for similar agreements with Pakistan and Israel. As Carnegie Endowment's George Perkovich has noted, offering these countries benefits for improved cooperation with the IAEA, bringing more of their facilities under safeguards and ending threats to other non-nuclear states or from cooperation with terrorists will bring them closer to the international non-proliferation establishment. While the US may lose out on the $150 billion Indian nuclear supply market, the non-proliferation advantages of working with, rather than against, India (and other responsible non-NPT states in the future), paired with even small environmental benefits, is a net gain for the United States - and the world.
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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Is the Russian Bear Waking Up From a Long Hibernation?
Posted on May 22, 2010 in Uncategorized
Katherine Stewart
To understand the pulse of the present day independent states of the former Soviet Union, including Russia, one must be cognizant of the geo-political history of the USSR. The break-up of the Soviet Union, for which Russia stills blames the US and the West, was and remains a major slap in the face for many Russians. Today, as the country emerges from the darkness of its own shadow, Moscow continues to dream about restoring its world super power status.
After the 1917 October revolution, the Soviet Union began its expansion eastward, westward, and southward, occupying small independent countries and turning them into the Soviet Socialist Republics. The main policy of the newly established union was to obliterate the cultural identities of the occupied nations, enforce the hegemony of Russian education and language, and replace money with cultural achievements as the unifying force of peoples. The Soviet state positioned itself as a “pro-people” nation and banned anything that even remotely resembled “bourgeois capitalism.” The Soviet territory encapsulated the vast area stretching from the Central Asian (CA) steppes in the east to the fertile lands of the Caucasus to the south, instilling a common “Soviet” identity in its citizens. This forced “love affair” with the formerly independent states created a situation in which small nationalities resented “big brother” Russia and feared its “mighty fist.” Whatever their feelings might have been, these nations never stopped dreaming of regaining their independence.
In the early 1990s, the Soviet Union ceased to exist and the former Soviet republics re-emerged as independent countries. Shortly afterwards, however, they found themselves in a different predicament: they now faced territorial conflicts with their neighbors. Armenia and Azerbaijan fought over Nagornyi Karabach, and Georgia had devastating clashes with Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Russia saw these conflicts as an opportunity to regain its power by implementing a policy of “divide and conquer.” For example, during the first Georgia-Abkhazian war in the late 1980s, Russian forces secretly aided Abkhazia and supplied it with manpower, heavy artillery, and ammunition. Russia viewed Georgia, like other Soviet republics, as an integral part of its sphere of influence. Abkhazia “won” its first war with Georgia; the 19 percent Abkhaz minority ousted its majority Georgian neighbors in Abkhazia, killed hundreds of people, burned their houses, and turned residents into refugees in their own country.
Russia, however, was itself broken both economically and politically. Soon, Ukraine and Georgia managed to follow in the footsteps of their Baltic neighbors, seceded from Russia, and brought “color” revolutions to their lands, laying the foundation for the first democracies in the post Soviet territory. The “happy ending,” however, did not last long. Russia became particularly concerned with the ambitions of Ukraine and Georgia to join NATO. Having lost members of its now extinct Warsaw Pact to NATO forces, Russia vowed to never let go of Georgia and Ukraine. Moscow understood that it did not have support among the Georgian and Ukrainian people, but it also knew that Tbilisi would not rest until it took back Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
Prior to the infamous war in August 2008 when Russia openly attacked Georgia, Moscow had granted South Ossetians Russian citizenship, and in 2008, under the guise of “defending” its own citizens, Russia invaded Georgia. In the recent Ukranian elections, Russia facilitated the defeat of the pro-Western candidate, and it now vows that Georgia will soon turn its back to Western-style democracy and embrace its “big brother.” What does Russia really want from this tiny country of Georgia, and why does it have such a hard time letting it go?
The answer partly lies in Russia’s geo-political location. Being surrounded by frozen bodies of waters in the north, Russia is practically land-locked. Georgia and Ukraine represent its “window” to the West. Here, across the Black Sea coasts, Russia can easily navigate to the Mediterranean Sea and from there to the Atlantic or Indian Oceans. Georgia is also a crossroads between East and West, and a passionate friend of the United States, ready to open its territory to US military bases. In addition, Georgia has developed its first gas/oil pipeline, the “Baku-Tbilisi-Jayhan” pipeline, which delivers gas from the Caspian Sea directly to Europe, bypassing Russia. Russia views Georgia not only as a political threat, which allows NATO to be in close proximity, but also as an economic risk: any diversion from its monopoly on gas pipelines puts Russia in a vulnerable position. Because Georgians embrace and enjoy their close relationship with the US, Russia feels there is only one way to reclaim control of Georgia: by taking the country back piece by piece.
Russia today is diligently moving toward restoring its might by regaining its former allies one at a time. On 17 February, it signed an agreement to establish a military base in Abkhazia and enacted a “pre-emptive strike” law, in which Russia now reserves the right to use nuclear power if any other country attacks it or its allies with either nuclear or conventional weapons. Moscow is also increasing its military spending, investing in the latest technology, and trying to reverse its “brain-drain.” It is implementing rigorous science education programs domestically and inviting highly skilled professionals from abroad. In the middle of February 2010, Russia purchased a state-of-the-art assault ship, the Mistral helicopter carrier. According to a recent statement by the Georgian Association, a non-profit organization based in Washington DC, the ship “will increase Russia’s projection capabilities in the Baltic and Black Seas.” Even bloggers from the Central Asian states have been extremely anxious lately. They are concerned that Russia will use the excuse of growing narcotics trafficking from Afghanistan, coupled with the probability of spillage of the Afghan war into CA territories, to occupy this region under the guise of protecting its citizens.
What does all of this mean for the United States and the rest of the world? While the US is dealing with its own problems in Afghanistan and Iran, it has shifted its relationship with Russia toward friendship and cooperation. Countries like Georgia, Ukraine, and CA states are becoming “bargaining chips” with Russia in exchange for its support in the ongoing war on terrorism. In reality, the Russia-US “relationship reset” resembles more of a temporary truce than anything else. While gaining leverage in one area, the US is losing its leverage in another. Washington assumes that Moscow is now its ally, but the US is allowing Russia to regain its power, destroy the emerging democracies in the post-Soviet territories, and reestablish itself as a viable super power. - Only this time, Russia intends to learn from its past mistakes and be stronger.
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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US - Russia: Frienemies
Posted on May 11, 2010 in Uncategorized
Katherine Stewart
Daniel A. Russell, Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs published an article on the US Department of State website on April 26, 2010 entitled, “U.S.-Russian Relations: First Year of the Obama Administration." In the article, Russell states that the US-Russian relationship significantly improved in the first year of the Obama administration compared to two years ago when “in the wake of the Russian-Georgia war…. [there was a] real danger of a steady adversarial drift between Washington and Moscow.” He supports his claim with obscure statistics that “the majority of Russians now have a positive view of America” and that US-Russian ties will further strengthen if the US allows Russia to “occupy its rightful place as a great power.”
Russell’s position, as stated in his piece, overlooks much of the history between Moscow and Washington and fails to recognize the general mentality of many Russians. Regretfully, the Obama administration as a whole is also guilty of similar naïveté. The fundamental difference between Russia and America lies in the divergent perspectives of the two nations. In other words, Russians simply do not think like Americans. Because the US is a relatively young nation, it is driven by and associated with more progressive thinking. Americans tend to believe that things can change radically in the future despite past events. Russians, conversely, base their outlook of the future on past experiences and are less likely to divorce themselves from history and accept a fresh start.
Russian language blogs and social media conversations are the best evidence of how Russians feel about the US and Americans in general. Most Russian bloggers do not even use the term “America” or “Americans” anymore. Instead, derogatory slang terms “пиндосы” and “пиндостан” (“pindosi” and “pindostan”) were coined to refer to Americans as “physically and morally weak” people. Additionally, Russian mainstream media continues its ideological war against the United States and portrays Washington as an old enemy that cannot be trusted. Moscow blames Washington for any malfeasance in the world, while Russians skillfully use every medium from humor to music to influence the Russian-speaking audience and convince it of Russia’s superiority.
Another intriguing aspect of the US-Russia dynamic is whether Washington understands who the “real” president of Russia is today. The majority of Russians believe that President Dmitry Medvedev is just a henchman of Prime Minister, and former KGB agent, Vladimir Putin. The Putin-Medvedev duo fits squarely into the “good cop, bad cop” concept. Under this scenario, the nicer and more personable Medvedev is believed to be exploiting President Obama’s trust, while the tougher and more calculating Putin calls the shots in Russia’s political game.
In light of the recently “improved” US-Russian relationship, yet another key question arises: what is the probability that Russia will adhere to the much celebrated arms agreement signed by presidents Obama and Medvedev on April 8, 2010, and destroy some of its arsenal? The answer to this query is misleading in that while the probability is quite high, the so called “arsenal” could very well turn out to be outdated junk that Russia would be happy to get rid of anyway. Moscow is likely playing the same old game all over again. This time, however, there is a belief that a young and inexperienced President Obama is no match for the shroud and enigmatic “undercover President” Putin. In the midst of its push toward technological innovation and military expansion, coupled with the problems with its former satellite republics, Russia is not about to put itself in a vulnerable position against its main enemies, NATO and the United States.
On the flipside, Washington’s plate is currently full. It is involved in two wars in the Middle East, Iran is threatening nuclear development, and the US financial sector is in disarray. Logically, the White House does not want to be on Russia’s bad side right now, and therefore the best policy would seem to include appeasing and returning lost super power status to Moscow. Such a position, at first glance, appears to be a win-win situation for both sides, but a closer examination contradicts this assessment. One of the successes that contributed to the destruction of the former Soviet Union was a brilliantly crafted ideological campaign by a past US administration. Washington realized then that if people’s belief in the mighty Soviet Union was sufficiently undermined, and if Russia lost support from its former satellite republics, the Soviet Union would fall on its face. Now, Washington is trying to do just opposite: It is “letting Russia occupy its place as a great power” and compromising its relationships with the newly emerged democratic countries situated on post soviet territory, like Georgia and Ukraine. On this path, Washington runs the risk of betraying the trust of its loyal followers. Moreover, Moscow’s likely interpretation of this message is: “Because I am your friend today does not mean that I will not become your enemy tomorrow.” Russians are smart people, they learn their lessons quickly, and they do not soon forget. They connect their past experiences to the present when deciding on future.
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Georgia: True Democracy or Hypocrisy?
Posted on February 25, 2011 in Uncategorized
Katherine Stewart
The country of Georgia made a huge leap towards democracy and freedom following the “Rose Revolution” in 2003 which culminated in the overthrow of the former USSR Foreign Minister and later ended the President of Georgia Eduard Shevardnadze’s government, bringing victory to the pro-Western President Mikheil Saakashvili. Soon after coming to power, Saakashvili implemented sweeping reforms in the country and appointed young leaders to key government positions, most of whom received high education and training abroad. The government of Georgia underwent a true “facelift,” as the younger generation, as opposed to older former Soviet era politicians, was expected to drive the country out of its post-communist stagnation.
Seven short years after the “Rose Revolution,” many people became aware of the existence of Georgia, and today few confuse it with the American state carrying the same name. The Saakashvili government almost eliminated bureaucracy, created an attractive business environment for foreign investors, and significantly minimized corruption in the country. Most members of the once famous, elite criminal organization, “Thieves in Law,” either fled Georgia or were put in jail. These organized criminals enjoyed power and respect during the period of USSR rule and instilled fear in people. Because of their deep influence, many did not believe that the Saakashvili government would ever succeed in ending such a long time reign of these crime lords.
Georgia’s government rebuilt the central avenues of Tbilisi and other historic towns. Tourists can now travel safely through Ricoti pass, a mountain range whose roads were badly damaged in the past. The most noticeable change, however, occurred within Georgian law enforcement agencies. The new US style police now patrol the streets of Tbilisi, replacing the former “militia” police forces, which were considered among the most corrupt in the world. Notwithstanding these improvements, Georgia still struggles to maintain the balance of powers. The country seems to be constantly between two extremes. The otherwise positive changes, including the near complete eradication of corruption within the law enforcement agencies, have resulted in an accumulation of too much power in the same agencies. Some police officers engage in boorish behavior and intimidate the very citizens they are supposed to protect.
Indeed, it appears all of Georgia’s wonderful achievements come with a heavy price. For example, the already strained Georgian-Russian relationship drastically worsened after the August 2008 Russian-Georgian war. Today, anti-Russian sentiment in the country is so high that the younger generations are no longer exposed to the Russian language or culture. The majority of Russian nationals who lived in Georgia for many years slowly immigrated to Russia due to increased political pressures, while Georgian emigrants to Russia are often considered national enemies by many. This was not always so. Georgia used to be one of the hottest tourist destinations in the former Soviet Union.
The country’s geographical location, its rich history, extremely friendly and hospitable people, and its fine cuisine, positions Georgia to once again become one of the world’s best tourist destinations. One can only imagine a country this size (26,911 sq/m) offering so much to its visitors: beautiful beaches of the Black Sea coast, high altitude Caucasus mountains, which are covered with snow all year round, undisturbed nature full of exotic flora and fauna, churches and cathedrals built as early as IV century A.D., fairy tale like caverns full of stalagmites and stalactites, and natural springs rich in minerals, to name a few.
The attractions for travelers in Georgia include the beautiful coastal regions along the Black Sea, though the 2 autonomous republics of Abkhazia and Adjara dominate most of the coastline. With its large mountain ranges (the highest peak is 5,150 meters/16,897 feet), Georgia is ideal for skiing, and the Bakuriani and Gudauri ski resorts were very popular among Russian tourists in the Soviet era. Revival of this tourist attraction will, however, require heavy investment and continued political stability. Though tourism could become one of the country's leading industries, hotels and restaurants contributed only 2.2 percent of GDP in 2000.[1]
Georgia was one of the first former Soviet republics to reject the communist ideology and embrace Western-style democracy. When the United States began expanding its push for democracy and freedom eastward following the collapse of the USSR, Georgian soil proved to be the most fertile ground for the seeds of Western ideology. Freedom loving Georgians who felt oppressed under the Soviet regime and Russian dominance gladly opened their hearts and minds to pro-Western ways of life.
The then young and upbeat Georgian politician Mikheil Saakashvili was seen as a perfect candidate to drag Georgia out of its political and economic stagnation. Saakashvili was also viewed as a pro-Western leader who enjoyed close ties with the US and Europe. The 2003 “Rose Revolution” that brought Saakashvili’s government to power instilled hope in Georgian people. They associated Saakashivili’s style of governance with the West. A couple of years later, this very association also became an undermining factor with respect to US credibility in Georgia. The old guilt by association fallacy was alive and well.
The Saakashvili government slowly rebuilt the roads and beautified the tourist attraction centers in the major cities, but failed to create jobs for the majority of the populace. In order to maintain order and stability, law enforcement agencies were given excessive powers and the Georgian government remained centralized. Today, as a result, Georgian people are afraid to discuss politics openly out of fear of political prosecution. Most believe that their phones are secretly wiretapped by the government. The Georgian media remains government controlled, unemployment is rampant and prices on various goods and services are rapidly increasing. Gender discrimination, especially in the employment sector, remains at insultingly high levels. The Georgian legal system requires a serious overhaul, and presidential favoritism has taken the place of nepotism.
Recent Georgian history hypothetically can be divided into before and after the 2008 Russian – Georgianwar. The conflict resulted in Georgia receiving an overwhelming amount of coverage in the Western media as a result of the Russian invasion. Progressive democratic countries of the world, primarily spearheaded by US leadership, aligned themselves in support of Georgia and criticized Russia for using “disproportionate power” against its tiny neighbor. The August 2008 war deepened the divide between Russians and Georgians and contributed to an unprecedented anti-Russian sentiment among the Georgian population.
What is the truth behind the PR “war” regarding the 2008 Russian-Georgian war, and how did this war within the war shape an otherwise friendly US-Georgian relationship?
In order to answer these questions, I travelled to Georgia in the summer of 2010 and visited the war-torn town of Gori -the epicenter of the actual war.
Gori, birthplace of the most controversial Georgian figure and one of the winners of the Second World War, Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, is a small, shabby town with a population of a little less than 50,000 people. The town is located to the west of Georgia’s capital, Tbilisi, and borders the South Ossetia autonomous region.
My cameraman and I did not notice anything unusual in Gori until we arrived at some of the villages directly bordering South Ossetia. Here the traces of the war were most imminent: burneddown houses, bullet-holed steel gates, and demolished buildings. Tkviavi village was the first stop for our crew. Its straight and narrow main street was compact, with impressive two story private homes on both sides. The homes stood in the middle of quaint courtyards guarded with the mixture of wooden and metal fences. The villagers there live in such a tightly knit community that they immediately recognized us as outsiders. Nevertheless, they were hospitable and trusting.
As we walked through the village we could not help but notice an unusual pattern: a few private homes, in no particular order, were burned down and destroyed, while the others stood intact. As my cameraman began photographing the charcoaled walls of the once opulent residences, a gray-haired woman, who introduced herself to us as Liana, opened her heavy gates and invited us into her home for a chat.
Liana was one of the few villagers who did not abandon her house when Russian troops marched throughthe streets of her village. She quietly watched heavily armed Russian soldiers passing by her windows, bringing Ossetian gunmen with them. Her hands were trembling as she recalled the story and tears were filling up her eyes. “I never thought I would survive the experience,” Liana told us. “The whole village was empty and I remained alone at home hungry for seven days. I thought they would break into my home any minute and kill me.”
Liana stated that while it was intimidating to see the Russian tanks drive by, surprisingly they did not harm anyone. Rather, it was the Ossetian militia, accompanying the Russians, who killed people and burned down homes. When I asked Liana why the same Ossetian gunmen did not harm her, she responded, “most people believe that the Ossetians went after those families whom they wanted to pay reprisal for certain past disagreements, and unsettled disputes.”
Another 53 year old Georgian woman, Gulnara told us how she watched some Ossetian gunmen kill her husband and brother-in-law as the two men sat on the porch of their home. The gunmen then looted the house and stole the family car. Heavy gates that protect Gulnara’s house still have bullet holes in them as a daily reminder of her nightmare.[2]
As our crew left the village, we observed hundreds of similarly built houses grouped together on the edge of the road. Later we learned that this was a refugee village – the Karaleti settlement. All of the residents in this settlement were Georgian nationals who had been forced out of their native South Ossetia by Russian-backed Ossetian militia. These families, some with small children, surrounded us and begged us to let the world know that they were eager to get back to their homes, and that they are seeking mediation from the international community to allow for their return.
Besides the obvious pains and hardships inflicted upon them, all the victims of the August 2008 war had one thing in common: they never received any attention from the Georgian government, including any medical/psychological treatment following the traumatic events. Many refugees cannot find gainful employment and feel abandoned and forgotten by everyone.
In the aftermath of the Georgian-Russian conflict, Russia was not the only one that lost favor in the eyes of the Georgian people. Both the Georgian and US governments no longer enjoy support and sympathy from most Georgians. The people see their government as highly subservient to US policy makers, and view Tbilisi as ready to go to the extremes to please the United States even at the expense of its own people. At the same time, Georgians fault Washington for allegedly closing its eyes to the humanitarian injustices suffered in Georgia. Instead of bringing “Democracy” and the “Western Ideology,” people see the President of Georgia practicing autocracy and exhibiting a tight power grip. Democracy and autocracy have become interchangeable in many people’s minds. Many link the hybrid concept, “democratic autocracy,” to the US policy, and compare Georgia’s current democratic system with their past lifestyle under the USSR, to reach the following conclusion: “If Saakashvili’s government represents American values and American ideology, then such ideology is incompatible with our nation.”
Georgians largely believe that on one hand its government promotes the idea of Western style “Democracy,” but on the other hand it censors the media, officially rejects candidates over the age of 35-40 for government positions, instills fear of prosecution in its citizens, fails to create jobs, and blames Russia for every failure. Not only is Russian language and cultural education becoming obsolete in present-day Georgia, but the very survival of Georgia’s native language is also at risk. The media no longer bothers to translate certain English terms into the native language. Moreover, English phrases/words that have proper Georgian equivalents are now routinely used in place of the more traditional Georgian phrases/words in the mass media parlance. For example, the “latest news” became “headlines” (“ჰედლაინი”); “transparency” is translated as “გამჭირვალე”(“see through”) as opposed to „საჯარო” (“transparency”); an English word “elephant” is no longer a Georgian “სპილო,“(“spilo”), but a transliterated “ელიფენტი“(“elephant”).
Another burgeoning issue in Georgia involves the gender power dynamic within the government, as well as the private sector. While more Georgian women are working in the high level positions under the Saakashvili government compared to the past administrations, many citizens are dissatisfied with some women’s routes to power and their purported lack of qualifications. Historically, Georgia enjoyed a rich tradition of highly regarded female leaders. “Queen Tamara” of the 12th Century is often cited by many as a prime example of this history. Georgians pride themselves on the fact that Georgia achieved unprecedented growth and development under Queen Tamara’s leadership. Today, while many qualified people remain unemployed, government positions are frequently filled by perceived incompetent and inexperienced female youngsters, some with shady pasts. Saakashvili’s government may be trying to derive lessons from the country’s rich history, but the majority of Georgians are outraged by the recent appointment of Vera Kobalia as Minister of Economy and Sustainable Development. According to some, instead of appointing a successful female leader, Saakashvili appointed a “successful baker.” Ms. Kobalia earned her nickname because she was reportedly working in a small bakery owned by her father in Canada prior to becoming the country’s economics minister. People are dissatisfied with Saakashvili’s decision to appoint Kobalia to this high level position not only because she had no prior government experience, but she also reportedly lied on her resume indicating that she worked for Global TV and CBC in Vancouver, Canada.[3] Additionally, Georgians are generally conservative, and take pride in their moral values. Cabinet members have long been viewed as role models for their constituents. Traditionally, Georgians regarded a woman’s dignity as inviolable, and sexually provocative behavior on her part was strongly discouraged by the society. The Russian media skillfully exploited these strongly held traditional values when posting photos of Ms. Kobalia stripping on the stage of a Canadian nightclub before she became Georgia’s minister of economy.[4]
While such inexperienced youngsters with controversial biographies enjoy career success mainly because of the presidential favoritism, employment prospects for the rest of the population remain bleak. The career paths in the private sector industry are no different for qualified candidates especially if they are over 30. It is very common to see the discriminatory ads, like “Looking for a janitor up to 25 years-old, an attractive female with knowledge of English and computers,” in Georgian newspapers and/or various business job portals. One 45-year-old woman told me that she was rejected by a restaurant owner where she applied for a dish-washer position because she was old and could not speak English. The restaurant did not even specialize in catering to the foreign guests. Many believe the entire generation aged forty and older have been forced into an “early retirement” by the Saakashvili government, with one caveat: nobody is responsible for paying for their forced retirement. Otherwise able and willing Georgians who fall in this category are forced to emigrate from their country in search of work elsewhere.
Georgians are also angered by the US “hypocrisy” that promotes freedom and democracy in the world on the one hand, but looks the other way when the same principles of freedom and democracy are violated, or used for selfish interests, by friendly governments. In Georgia’s case, citizens feel that the US conveniently “turns a blind eye” to many human rights violations in the country in exchange for Saakashvili’s loyalties.
Most Georgians believe that their current government lashes out at Russia for every mischief in an effort to make the Georgian people paranoid about the “Russian occupation” phenomenon. According to some, Tbilisi is thus trying to divert people’s attention from the reality. Many think that the country’s most industrial companies, such as energy, gas, and hydroelectric stations are directly or indirectly owned by Russia. If Russia indeed owns some or many of these industrial facilities, then Saakashvili, at least on some level, will be able to continue advancing the idea of the “deteriorated relationship” with Russia to suit his purposes. Likewise, the Georgian government can position itself so as to skillfully and simultaneously derive financial benefits from both Russia and the United States.
In addition to borrowing the West’s ideology, the Georgian government also brought in US style high risers and glass office buildings throughout Tbilisi. Without its history, distinct culture, architecture, and ancient buildings, however, Tbilisi will surely begin to lose some of its identity. The US and European nations try to savor every piece of their history no matter how “young” they may be compared to the Georgian standards. For example, a quaint neighborhood of Ybor City in Tampa, Florida recently extended the rail lines for its old-fashioned trams to travel downtown, in an attempt to maintain and restore some of the area’s historical uniqueness. In contrast, historical trams that once circled a truly ancient part of Tbilisi, the “Vorontsov Square,” have been long uprooted and sent to the junk yard. Nowadays, used foreign cars, ugly buses, and smelly “marshrutkas” (mini vans), congest the narrow, yet beautiful, streets of Tbilisi city.
The US spent billions of dollars of the taxpayers’ money to contain the spread of the communism during the Cold War. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, many small nations from the former soviet republic embraced freedom and democracy, but Georgia always stood out as a bastion of such hope among the others. The Georgian people were ready and receptive to embrace change, and when given an opportunity, they rallied behind the pro-Western candidate Saakashvili in 2003 “Rose Revolution.” President Saakashvili views himself as an emissary of democratic Western principles and repeats the same messages, using the same words when addressing the Georgian people. But how does Saakashvili’s brand of freedom and democracy measure up with the true freedom and democracy known to the Western world?
The West in general, and the US in particular, closely relate the concepts of “freedom” and “democracy” to the inviolability and supremacy of the Rule of Law. Additionally, many Americans are constantly pushing for a smaller government not a bigger one. US democratic systems are based on checks and balances, and the media is widely considered a fourth branch of government. Democratically elected officials serve their constituents, not vice versa, and in a real democracy the government does not spy on its citizens without a court order.
In Georgia’s reality, none of the above concepts hold true. The country does not have a system of checks and balances; the media is censored, and the people are not guaranteed their privacy. Yet, the world views Georgia as an emerging democracy. The Saakashvili government successfully exploited the fallacy of equivocation in order to practice autocracy under the guise of democracy.
The 2010 US National Security Strategy states: “Those who seek democracy to obtain power, but are ruthless once they do, will forfeit the support of the United States. Governments must maintain power through consent, not coercion, and place legitimate political processes above party or narrow interest.”[5]
Changing the hearts and minds of the people and motivating them to embrace US values and principles is a long and difficult process. Georgia was one of the most receptive countries, easily adopting these concepts, following the collapse of the USSR; but today, a little less than twenty years later, the opposite is true. Georgians are now disillusioned after being exposed to Saakashvili’s brand of democracy. Having no other model to compare their democracy to, Georgians assume that Western democracy is nothing more than a well-packaged autocracy, set up by and for the privileged few, and exported to the other countries. The same US National Security Strategy clearly states that the United States will support democracy and human rights worldwide, but nowhere does it say that the various governments in the world will be the only beneficiaries of such support.
As our history shows, the United States can more effectively forge consensus to tackle shared challenges when working with governments that reflect the will and respect the rights of their people, rather than just the narrow interests of those in power…Ensuring that New and Fragile Democracies Deliver Tangible Improvements for Their Citizens: The United States must support democracy, human rights, and development together, as they are mutually reinforcing. We are working closely with citizens, communities, and political and civil society leaders to strengthen key institutions of democratic accountability—free and fair electoral processes, strong legislatures, civilian control of militaries, honest police forces, independent and fair judiciaries, a free and independent press, a vibrant private sector, and a robust civil society. To do so, we are harnessing our bilateral and multilateral capabilities to help nascent democracies deliver services that respond to the needs and preferences of their citizens, since democracies without development rarely survive.[6]
Perhaps the time has come for the United States to revisit “friendly” nations like Georgia and assess why otherwise positive concepts, such as “freedom” and “democracy,” have produced such negative results.
[1] Encyclopedia of Nations http://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/economies/Europe/Georgia.html [accessed 12/31/2010]
[2] Photos of Gori, Georgia in the aftermath of 2008 Russian-Georgian war
[3] Such allegations appeared in Canada’s “Vancouver Sun”
[4] http://www.vancouversun.com/news/joke+Georgian+minister+worked+ComedyFest+Global/3339042/story.html
[Accessed 12/31/10]
[5] National Security Policy, May 2010
[6] National Security Policy, May 2010
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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Afro-descendants and Indigenous in the Americas will be the focus of New Digital Educational Resources
Posted on March 28, 2011 in Uncategorized
The websites of the Latin American Network of Education Portals (Red Latinoamericana de Portales Educativos, or RELPE by its acronym in Spanish) are public repositories of educational materials maintained by ministries of education throughout the Americas. From Cuba to Chile, the autonomous, nationally-run RELPE sites (see www.relpe.org) already offer thousands of interactive resources for educators, students, and parents. However, a relatively small number address issues of cultural diversity, and fewer still exist in the native languages of the many indigenous and Afro-descendant peoples who represent at least a third of the region’s population. The struggles and contributions of these traditional peoples to the broader society have often been overlooked in the classroom. Hence, the need arose to create appropriate didactic materials by and for ethnic groups, as well as multicultural educational materials that might help teachers impart lessons from the perspective of marginalized groups, reduce the “digital divide,” and promote active student participation.
ConStrat and its team of experts from across the Americas will develop 2,000 digital learning resources for RELPE under a new contract with the Inter American Development Bank (IDB). By requesting the creation of multicultural educational materials, the IDB, as a major funder of the RELPE project and other education initiatives, has shown its commitment to recognizing the diversity of the students in the region. Although racial and ethnic inequalities manifest themselves differently across different countries, minority ethnic groups’ frequent lack of access to information & communication technologies (ICTs) in the classroom constitutes a challenge to achieving universal education. The creation of complex digital content has been a difficult task for developing countries due to lack of financing and technological resources -- hence the notion of a network of web portals that can produce content to be shared and exchanged among countries. Through RELPE, diverse ethnic populations in the Americas will benefit from unified and coordinated Internet portals.
ConStrat’s general objective will be to develop educational resources that take Latin America’s multicultural background into account, and provide teachers and students with a framework to build educational spaces where cultural pluralism, tolerance, and the social inclusion of the “other” are encouraged. In addition to resources that address specific ethnicities in Spanish, Portuguese, and indigenous languages, the ConStrat team will also produce materials that explore multiculturalism.
A major strength of the program is that many of the team members who will create the learning materials are themselves indigenous or Afro-descendant. Team members also come from a variety of disciplines, including anthropology, education and ICTs. Through the resources that are created, ConStrat hopes it can help ministries of education promote a more tolerant and pluralistic collective conscience among students, provide guidance on the study of cultural differences, and demonstrate that diversity is an enriching factor rather than a source of conflict. Respect for the cultural identity of all students will be the overarching theme of this important project. The ConStrat team is optimistic that its resources will help teachers recognize and overcome the challenges that can arise from cultural differences in the classroom, since the materials will be available to all Latin Americans.
Dr. Abraham M. Smith, ConStrat’s Senior Advisor for Western Hemisphere Affairs, points to Marcus Garvey who once said, "A people without the knowledge of their past history, origin and culture is like a tree without roots." Dr. Smith interprets that statement to mean that when “people know their history, they can begin to know that their ancestors were an integral part of the creation of their nation. At the same time, they can become proud of who they are so they themselves can contribute to their uplifting.” The message is particularly resonant this year, since the United Nations declared 2011 the International Year for People of African Descent.
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ConStrat Supports Humanitarian Mission in Haiti
Posted on September 14, 2011 in Uncategorized
Twenty-four ConStrat personnel supported community relations for Task Force Bon Voizen (“Good Neighbor”) from April to July 2011 in Haiti’s Artibonite province, as well as in the capital city of Port-au-Prince and the city of Gonaïves. Much of the province has been battered by one natural disaster after another, including two tropical storms that caused catastrophic flooding in 2004 and 2008. Some of the resulting damage remains, and a vast lake still stands a few miles outside of Gonaïves in an area where storm water flowed down from the mountains into a previously dry savannah. It was here that US, Canadian and Colombian forces set up the 2011 Bon Voizen joint humanitarian assistance and training task force with ConStrat’s support.
Bon Voizen operates under the annual New Horizons humanitarian assistance program, which US Southern Command has conducted in Latin America and the Caribbean since the mid-1980s. ConStrat’s interpreters, hired directly from the Artibonite province, used English and Haitian Creole to assist the Louisiana National Guard and other foreign medical /dental personnel as they treated patients from Gonaïves to Saint-Marc. Aside from the provision of much-needed medical and dental care, Task Force Bon Voizen partnered with NGOs already active in the area to ensure that those who lived nearby or traveled from afar to receive consultations had access to clean drinking water. The Artibonite province is where the Haitian cholera epidemic first broke out in late 2010.
Day in and day out, all through the summer, ConStrat’s interpreters worked for up to twelve hours at a time to ensure that the foreign medical personnel could communicate with the local population. Medical Readiness Training Exercises (MEDRETEs) and Dental Readiness Training Exercises (DENTRETEs) were executed together with local dentists and physicians. Several of the interpreters also worked with the US Army at construction sites where the Bon Voizen partnersbuilt schools.
The mayor of Gonaïves appeared at the Forward Operating Base on the interpreters’ first day. He told ConStrat staff that health care and jobs were the community’s most pressing needs. Fortunately, Task Force Bon Voizen provided both health care and jobs during its activities in Haiti. Local residents with whom ConStrat spoke expressed their gratitude for the United States’ assistance, and looked forward to the US Army’s return in future years.
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Digitally Preserving and Sharing Indigenous and Afro-descendant Latin American Cultures
Posted on October 18, 2011 in Uncategorized
Diverse peoples make up Latin America’s cultural heritage, and preserving those heritages is paramount to understanding and embracing the pluralistic identities in the region. Education is one of the foremost mechanisms for promoting and preserving the region’s indigenous and Afro-descendant cultures.
With that in mind, the Latin American Network of Education Portals (RELPE), with funding from the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), procured ConStrat’s services to populate web-based education portals. The multicultural RELPE project emphasized the promotion of Latin America’s diverse cultural heritage through language, literature, art and interactive games. The educational content was largely defined by members of traditional communities, who addressed their own ethnicities and national identities in the e-learning materials. Indigenous and Afro-descendant participants developed thousands of digital resources for educators and students, which are made globally accessible via the web portals of the region’s Ministries of Education.
While approaches to multicultural and ethno-education in Latin America are still evolving, ConStrat used cutting-edge digital techniques for content creation with this project. Once ConStrat’s experts generated the content, a technical team structured it according to language, grade level, country of origin and other criteria. In many cases, the content was ordered within teaching sequences, allowing educators to approach vast topics, like racism, one lesson at a time. The content was packaged and delivered to the IDB and RELPE according to SCORM standards, which made it compatible with any number of learning management systems (LMS).
Thanks to the rise of ITCs, many new tools exist to further the goal of teaching diversity in the classroom. Interactive education portals like RELPE serve as tremendous resources for students, teachers, parents and education experts alike. They also enable increased collaboration among countries with scarce resources to invest. As an example, Mexico’s Afro-descendant communities can benefit from regional materials on Afro-descendant peoples on Central America’s Caribbean coast, like the Garífunas and the Mezquitos. Educational materials in Q’eqchi and Kiche can be used in several Central American countries where these Mayan languages are spoken. Guarani children on the border of Brazil and Paraguay can be taught the names of local plants in Guarani, Spanish and Portuguese.
Interactive puzzles, crosswords, and quizzes were developed in dozens of languages, including Spanish, Portuguese, Garífuna, Palenquero, Kaqchiquel, Mam, Kalapalo, Tupi Guaraniand others. Presentations on traditional medicine and teaching guides on discrimination were created for a range of primary and secondary school levels. Games requiring students to “catch” Guarani words for food items with the mouse as they floated down the computer screen reinforced earlier vocabulary lessons. Mayan glyphs were used in a game that helped students write their own story, and culminated in the story’s animation across a hilly landscape.
ConStrat considers its work to have been a first step down the right path towards promoting multicultural and ethno-education. Teachers will need to be trained and accompanied through the process of incorporating new content into the curriculum. The materials created will need to be updated eventually, and RELPE member countries will need to build upon the resources ConStrat developed to encompass a greater number of the region’s ethnicities. This is especially true as access to reliable electricity and information technologies improves. Much more must be done to address educational disparities in Latin America, which have serious implications for the health and economic development of its Afro-descendant and indigenous peoples.
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