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Georgia: True Democracy or Hypocrisy?
Posted on February 25, 2011 in Uncategorized
Katherine Stewart
The country of Georgia made a huge leap towards democracy and freedom following the “Rose Revolution” in 2003 which culminated in the overthrow of the former USSR Foreign Minister and later ended the President of Georgia Eduard Shevardnadze’s government, bringing victory to the pro-Western President Mikheil Saakashvili. Soon after coming to power, Saakashvili implemented sweeping reforms in the country and appointed young leaders to key government positions, most of whom received high education and training abroad. The government of Georgia underwent a true “facelift,” as the younger generation, as opposed to older former Soviet era politicians, was expected to drive the country out of its post-communist stagnation.
Seven short years after the “Rose Revolution,” many people became aware of the existence of Georgia, and today few confuse it with the American state carrying the same name. The Saakashvili government almost eliminated bureaucracy, created an attractive business environment for foreign investors, and significantly minimized corruption in the country. Most members of the once famous, elite criminal organization, “Thieves in Law,” either fled Georgia or were put in jail. These organized criminals enjoyed power and respect during the period of USSR rule and instilled fear in people. Because of their deep influence, many did not believe that the Saakashvili government would ever succeed in ending such a long time reign of these crime lords.
Georgia’s government rebuilt the central avenues of Tbilisi and other historic towns. Tourists can now travel safely through Ricoti pass, a mountain range whose roads were badly damaged in the past. The most noticeable change, however, occurred within Georgian law enforcement agencies. The new US style police now patrol the streets of Tbilisi, replacing the former “militia” police forces, which were considered among the most corrupt in the world. Notwithstanding these improvements, Georgia still struggles to maintain the balance of powers. The country seems to be constantly between two extremes. The otherwise positive changes, including the near complete eradication of corruption within the law enforcement agencies, have resulted in an accumulation of too much power in the same agencies. Some police officers engage in boorish behavior and intimidate the very citizens they are supposed to protect.
Indeed, it appears all of Georgia’s wonderful achievements come with a heavy price. For example, the already strained Georgian-Russian relationship drastically worsened after the August 2008 Russian-Georgian war. Today, anti-Russian sentiment in the country is so high that the younger generations are no longer exposed to the Russian language or culture. The majority of Russian nationals who lived in Georgia for many years slowly immigrated to Russia due to increased political pressures, while Georgian emigrants to Russia are often considered national enemies by many. This was not always so. Georgia used to be one of the hottest tourist destinations in the former Soviet Union.
The country’s geographical location, its rich history, extremely friendly and hospitable people, and its fine cuisine, positions Georgia to once again become one of the world’s best tourist destinations. One can only imagine a country this size (26,911 sq/m) offering so much to its visitors: beautiful beaches of the Black Sea coast, high altitude Caucasus mountains, which are covered with snow all year round, undisturbed nature full of exotic flora and fauna, churches and cathedrals built as early as IV century A.D., fairy tale like caverns full of stalagmites and stalactites, and natural springs rich in minerals, to name a few.
The attractions for travelers in Georgia include the beautiful coastal regions along the Black Sea, though the 2 autonomous republics of Abkhazia and Adjara dominate most of the coastline. With its large mountain ranges (the highest peak is 5,150 meters/16,897 feet), Georgia is ideal for skiing, and the Bakuriani and Gudauri ski resorts were very popular among Russian tourists in the Soviet era. Revival of this tourist attraction will, however, require heavy investment and continued political stability. Though tourism could become one of the country's leading industries, hotels and restaurants contributed only 2.2 percent of GDP in 2000.[1]
Georgia was one of the first former Soviet republics to reject the communist ideology and embrace Western-style democracy. When the United States began expanding its push for democracy and freedom eastward following the collapse of the USSR, Georgian soil proved to be the most fertile ground for the seeds of Western ideology. Freedom loving Georgians who felt oppressed under the Soviet regime and Russian dominance gladly opened their hearts and minds to pro-Western ways of life.
The then young and upbeat Georgian politician Mikheil Saakashvili was seen as a perfect candidate to drag Georgia out of its political and economic stagnation. Saakashvili was also viewed as a pro-Western leader who enjoyed close ties with the US and Europe. The 2003 “Rose Revolution” that brought Saakashvili’s government to power instilled hope in Georgian people. They associated Saakashivili’s style of governance with the West. A couple of years later, this very association also became an undermining factor with respect to US credibility in Georgia. The old guilt by association fallacy was alive and well.
The Saakashvili government slowly rebuilt the roads and beautified the tourist attraction centers in the major cities, but failed to create jobs for the majority of the populace. In order to maintain order and stability, law enforcement agencies were given excessive powers and the Georgian government remained centralized. Today, as a result, Georgian people are afraid to discuss politics openly out of fear of political prosecution. Most believe that their phones are secretly wiretapped by the government. The Georgian media remains government controlled, unemployment is rampant and prices on various goods and services are rapidly increasing. Gender discrimination, especially in the employment sector, remains at insultingly high levels. The Georgian legal system requires a serious overhaul, and presidential favoritism has taken the place of nepotism.
Recent Georgian history hypothetically can be divided into before and after the 2008 Russian – Georgianwar. The conflict resulted in Georgia receiving an overwhelming amount of coverage in the Western media as a result of the Russian invasion. Progressive democratic countries of the world, primarily spearheaded by US leadership, aligned themselves in support of Georgia and criticized Russia for using “disproportionate power” against its tiny neighbor. The August 2008 war deepened the divide between Russians and Georgians and contributed to an unprecedented anti-Russian sentiment among the Georgian population.
What is the truth behind the PR “war” regarding the 2008 Russian-Georgian war, and how did this war within the war shape an otherwise friendly US-Georgian relationship?
In order to answer these questions, I travelled to Georgia in the summer of 2010 and visited the war-torn town of Gori -the epicenter of the actual war.
Gori, birthplace of the most controversial Georgian figure and one of the winners of the Second World War, Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, is a small, shabby town with a population of a little less than 50,000 people. The town is located to the west of Georgia’s capital, Tbilisi, and borders the South Ossetia autonomous region.
My cameraman and I did not notice anything unusual in Gori until we arrived at some of the villages directly bordering South Ossetia. Here the traces of the war were most imminent: burneddown houses, bullet-holed steel gates, and demolished buildings. Tkviavi village was the first stop for our crew. Its straight and narrow main street was compact, with impressive two story private homes on both sides. The homes stood in the middle of quaint courtyards guarded with the mixture of wooden and metal fences. The villagers there live in such a tightly knit community that they immediately recognized us as outsiders. Nevertheless, they were hospitable and trusting.
As we walked through the village we could not help but notice an unusual pattern: a few private homes, in no particular order, were burned down and destroyed, while the others stood intact. As my cameraman began photographing the charcoaled walls of the once opulent residences, a gray-haired woman, who introduced herself to us as Liana, opened her heavy gates and invited us into her home for a chat.
Liana was one of the few villagers who did not abandon her house when Russian troops marched throughthe streets of her village. She quietly watched heavily armed Russian soldiers passing by her windows, bringing Ossetian gunmen with them. Her hands were trembling as she recalled the story and tears were filling up her eyes. “I never thought I would survive the experience,” Liana told us. “The whole village was empty and I remained alone at home hungry for seven days. I thought they would break into my home any minute and kill me.”
Liana stated that while it was intimidating to see the Russian tanks drive by, surprisingly they did not harm anyone. Rather, it was the Ossetian militia, accompanying the Russians, who killed people and burned down homes. When I asked Liana why the same Ossetian gunmen did not harm her, she responded, “most people believe that the Ossetians went after those families whom they wanted to pay reprisal for certain past disagreements, and unsettled disputes.”
Another 53 year old Georgian woman, Gulnara told us how she watched some Ossetian gunmen kill her husband and brother-in-law as the two men sat on the porch of their home. The gunmen then looted the house and stole the family car. Heavy gates that protect Gulnara’s house still have bullet holes in them as a daily reminder of her nightmare.[2]
As our crew left the village, we observed hundreds of similarly built houses grouped together on the edge of the road. Later we learned that this was a refugee village – the Karaleti settlement. All of the residents in this settlement were Georgian nationals who had been forced out of their native South Ossetia by Russian-backed Ossetian militia. These families, some with small children, surrounded us and begged us to let the world know that they were eager to get back to their homes, and that they are seeking mediation from the international community to allow for their return.
Besides the obvious pains and hardships inflicted upon them, all the victims of the August 2008 war had one thing in common: they never received any attention from the Georgian government, including any medical/psychological treatment following the traumatic events. Many refugees cannot find gainful employment and feel abandoned and forgotten by everyone.
In the aftermath of the Georgian-Russian conflict, Russia was not the only one that lost favor in the eyes of the Georgian people. Both the Georgian and US governments no longer enjoy support and sympathy from most Georgians. The people see their government as highly subservient to US policy makers, and view Tbilisi as ready to go to the extremes to please the United States even at the expense of its own people. At the same time, Georgians fault Washington for allegedly closing its eyes to the humanitarian injustices suffered in Georgia. Instead of bringing “Democracy” and the “Western Ideology,” people see the President of Georgia practicing autocracy and exhibiting a tight power grip. Democracy and autocracy have become interchangeable in many people’s minds. Many link the hybrid concept, “democratic autocracy,” to the US policy, and compare Georgia’s current democratic system with their past lifestyle under the USSR, to reach the following conclusion: “If Saakashvili’s government represents American values and American ideology, then such ideology is incompatible with our nation.”
Georgians largely believe that on one hand its government promotes the idea of Western style “Democracy,” but on the other hand it censors the media, officially rejects candidates over the age of 35-40 for government positions, instills fear of prosecution in its citizens, fails to create jobs, and blames Russia for every failure. Not only is Russian language and cultural education becoming obsolete in present-day Georgia, but the very survival of Georgia’s native language is also at risk. The media no longer bothers to translate certain English terms into the native language. Moreover, English phrases/words that have proper Georgian equivalents are now routinely used in place of the more traditional Georgian phrases/words in the mass media parlance. For example, the “latest news” became “headlines” (“ჰედლაინი”); “transparency” is translated as “გამჭირვალე”(“see through”) as opposed to „საჯარო” (“transparency”); an English word “elephant” is no longer a Georgian “სპილო,“(“spilo”), but a transliterated “ელიფენტი“(“elephant”).
Another burgeoning issue in Georgia involves the gender power dynamic within the government, as well as the private sector. While more Georgian women are working in the high level positions under the Saakashvili government compared to the past administrations, many citizens are dissatisfied with some women’s routes to power and their purported lack of qualifications. Historically, Georgia enjoyed a rich tradition of highly regarded female leaders. “Queen Tamara” of the 12th Century is often cited by many as a prime example of this history. Georgians pride themselves on the fact that Georgia achieved unprecedented growth and development under Queen Tamara’s leadership. Today, while many qualified people remain unemployed, government positions are frequently filled by perceived incompetent and inexperienced female youngsters, some with shady pasts. Saakashvili’s government may be trying to derive lessons from the country’s rich history, but the majority of Georgians are outraged by the recent appointment of Vera Kobalia as Minister of Economy and Sustainable Development. According to some, instead of appointing a successful female leader, Saakashvili appointed a “successful baker.” Ms. Kobalia earned her nickname because she was reportedly working in a small bakery owned by her father in Canada prior to becoming the country’s economics minister. People are dissatisfied with Saakashvili’s decision to appoint Kobalia to this high level position not only because she had no prior government experience, but she also reportedly lied on her resume indicating that she worked for Global TV and CBC in Vancouver, Canada.[3] Additionally, Georgians are generally conservative, and take pride in their moral values. Cabinet members have long been viewed as role models for their constituents. Traditionally, Georgians regarded a woman’s dignity as inviolable, and sexually provocative behavior on her part was strongly discouraged by the society. The Russian media skillfully exploited these strongly held traditional values when posting photos of Ms. Kobalia stripping on the stage of a Canadian nightclub before she became Georgia’s minister of economy.[4]
While such inexperienced youngsters with controversial biographies enjoy career success mainly because of the presidential favoritism, employment prospects for the rest of the population remain bleak. The career paths in the private sector industry are no different for qualified candidates especially if they are over 30. It is very common to see the discriminatory ads, like “Looking for a janitor up to 25 years-old, an attractive female with knowledge of English and computers,” in Georgian newspapers and/or various business job portals. One 45-year-old woman told me that she was rejected by a restaurant owner where she applied for a dish-washer position because she was old and could not speak English. The restaurant did not even specialize in catering to the foreign guests. Many believe the entire generation aged forty and older have been forced into an “early retirement” by the Saakashvili government, with one caveat: nobody is responsible for paying for their forced retirement. Otherwise able and willing Georgians who fall in this category are forced to emigrate from their country in search of work elsewhere.
Georgians are also angered by the US “hypocrisy” that promotes freedom and democracy in the world on the one hand, but looks the other way when the same principles of freedom and democracy are violated, or used for selfish interests, by friendly governments. In Georgia’s case, citizens feel that the US conveniently “turns a blind eye” to many human rights violations in the country in exchange for Saakashvili’s loyalties.
Most Georgians believe that their current government lashes out at Russia for every mischief in an effort to make the Georgian people paranoid about the “Russian occupation” phenomenon. According to some, Tbilisi is thus trying to divert people’s attention from the reality. Many think that the country’s most industrial companies, such as energy, gas, and hydroelectric stations are directly or indirectly owned by Russia. If Russia indeed owns some or many of these industrial facilities, then Saakashvili, at least on some level, will be able to continue advancing the idea of the “deteriorated relationship” with Russia to suit his purposes. Likewise, the Georgian government can position itself so as to skillfully and simultaneously derive financial benefits from both Russia and the United States.
In addition to borrowing the West’s ideology, the Georgian government also brought in US style high risers and glass office buildings throughout Tbilisi. Without its history, distinct culture, architecture, and ancient buildings, however, Tbilisi will surely begin to lose some of its identity. The US and European nations try to savor every piece of their history no matter how “young” they may be compared to the Georgian standards. For example, a quaint neighborhood of Ybor City in Tampa, Florida recently extended the rail lines for its old-fashioned trams to travel downtown, in an attempt to maintain and restore some of the area’s historical uniqueness. In contrast, historical trams that once circled a truly ancient part of Tbilisi, the “Vorontsov Square,” have been long uprooted and sent to the junk yard. Nowadays, used foreign cars, ugly buses, and smelly “marshrutkas” (mini vans), congest the narrow, yet beautiful, streets of Tbilisi city.
The US spent billions of dollars of the taxpayers’ money to contain the spread of the communism during the Cold War. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, many small nations from the former soviet republic embraced freedom and democracy, but Georgia always stood out as a bastion of such hope among the others. The Georgian people were ready and receptive to embrace change, and when given an opportunity, they rallied behind the pro-Western candidate Saakashvili in 2003 “Rose Revolution.” President Saakashvili views himself as an emissary of democratic Western principles and repeats the same messages, using the same words when addressing the Georgian people. But how does Saakashvili’s brand of freedom and democracy measure up with the true freedom and democracy known to the Western world?
The West in general, and the US in particular, closely relate the concepts of “freedom” and “democracy” to the inviolability and supremacy of the Rule of Law. Additionally, many Americans are constantly pushing for a smaller government not a bigger one. US democratic systems are based on checks and balances, and the media is widely considered a fourth branch of government. Democratically elected officials serve their constituents, not vice versa, and in a real democracy the government does not spy on its citizens without a court order.
In Georgia’s reality, none of the above concepts hold true. The country does not have a system of checks and balances; the media is censored, and the people are not guaranteed their privacy. Yet, the world views Georgia as an emerging democracy. The Saakashvili government successfully exploited the fallacy of equivocation in order to practice autocracy under the guise of democracy.
The 2010 US National Security Strategy states: “Those who seek democracy to obtain power, but are ruthless once they do, will forfeit the support of the United States. Governments must maintain power through consent, not coercion, and place legitimate political processes above party or narrow interest.”[5]
Changing the hearts and minds of the people and motivating them to embrace US values and principles is a long and difficult process. Georgia was one of the most receptive countries, easily adopting these concepts, following the collapse of the USSR; but today, a little less than twenty years later, the opposite is true. Georgians are now disillusioned after being exposed to Saakashvili’s brand of democracy. Having no other model to compare their democracy to, Georgians assume that Western democracy is nothing more than a well-packaged autocracy, set up by and for the privileged few, and exported to the other countries. The same US National Security Strategy clearly states that the United States will support democracy and human rights worldwide, but nowhere does it say that the various governments in the world will be the only beneficiaries of such support.
As our history shows, the United States can more effectively forge consensus to tackle shared challenges when working with governments that reflect the will and respect the rights of their people, rather than just the narrow interests of those in power…Ensuring that New and Fragile Democracies Deliver Tangible Improvements for Their Citizens: The United States must support democracy, human rights, and development together, as they are mutually reinforcing. We are working closely with citizens, communities, and political and civil society leaders to strengthen key institutions of democratic accountability—free and fair electoral processes, strong legislatures, civilian control of militaries, honest police forces, independent and fair judiciaries, a free and independent press, a vibrant private sector, and a robust civil society. To do so, we are harnessing our bilateral and multilateral capabilities to help nascent democracies deliver services that respond to the needs and preferences of their citizens, since democracies without development rarely survive.[6]
Perhaps the time has come for the United States to revisit “friendly” nations like Georgia and assess why otherwise positive concepts, such as “freedom” and “democracy,” have produced such negative results.
[1] Encyclopedia of Nations http://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/economies/Europe/Georgia.html [accessed 12/31/2010]
[2] Photos of Gori, Georgia in the aftermath of 2008 Russian-Georgian war
[3] Such allegations appeared in Canada’s “Vancouver Sun”
[4] http://www.vancouversun.com/news/joke+Georgian+minister+worked+ComedyFest+Global/3339042/story.html
[Accessed 12/31/10]
[5] National Security Policy, May 2010
[6] National Security Policy, May 2010
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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ConStrat Awarded U.S. Central Command (US CENTCOM) Contract to Support Communication Integration and Planning
Posted on January 11, 2011 in Uncategorized
Washington, DC. (August, 2010) – Concepts & Strategies, Inc., was awarded a contract by US CENTCOM in August 2010, to support communication integration and planning activities within US CENTCOM. As part of the CENTCOM Communications Integration (CCCI) contract award, ConStrat and its teammates will also aid US CENTCOM with media monitoring, analysis, social media communications and website management.
“With ConStrat’s extensive experience in cultural & linguistic analysis and interactive web activities, we’re ideally positioned to help CCCI in these operations,” said ConStrat President Jason Hinton. “We know the mission and understand the challenges facing CENTCOM. Our utmost priority is to provide support and tactical solutions to our nation’s warfighter.”
###
ConStrat is a Washington, DC based small business that specializes in assisting government agencies, commercial entities, non-profits, and non-governmental organizations develop their communication and engagement strategies. We employ traditional print, broadcast, and interactive web-based tools and techniques accomplish our clients’ missions. The ConStrat team utilizes techniques honed in its service of the Federal Government – including the White House, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Department of Defense, the Departments of Education and Health and Human Services – as well as skills acquired during political, corporate, and international communications campaigns. Our staff brings decades of experience in:
- Corporate marketing
- Public affairs and public relations
- New media outreach and branding
- International security
- Grassroots organizing and advocacy
- Cyber engagement and analytics
- Reputation and brand management
- Cultural and linguistic support
- Crisis and risk management
Our multi-disciplinary approach allows ConStrat to provide a sophisticated level of information awareness, analysis and response.
At ConStrat, effective communications is mission critical.
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US-India Nuclear Agreement: It's still a Good Deal
Posted on December 4, 2010 in Uncategorized
Scott Kleinmann
President Barack Obama's trip to India last month re-energized debate regarding the wisdom behind the US-India nuclear cooperation agreement. The possible loss of Indian markets for US businesses as a result of India's new "Civil Liability for Nuclear Damages Bill" ruffled the feathers of Washington policy wonks-leading some to ask if the United States was still actually benefiting from the deal. The answer to the question is: Yes, but indirectly. Its impact on the environment and nuclear non-proliferation will still benefit the United States, as well as the world, in the long run.
In 2008, the US and the 46 members of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) allowed India to buy fuel, reactors, and enrichment and reprocessing technology in exchange for increased nuclear safeguards. The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which India has refused to join, heretofore denied India those benefits, prompting critics to assert that the US-India nuclear agreement undermines the NPT as well as the non-nuclear states that adhere to the treaty responsibly.
When India passed its "Civil Liability for Nuclear Damages Bill" in August, critics further argued that India had upset the balance of the deal, robbing American companies of the estimated $150 billion nuclear supply market in India. Since the law allows the victims of nuclear accidents to sue nuclear materials suppliers for damages, it is too risky for private companies to sell to India. The market now favors state-backed nuclear suppliers in France and Russia. The potential loss to US businesses left CSIS blogger Terrence P. Smith wondering: "Did the US get anything out of the deal?"
What the US and the rest of the international community get from the agreement is a population behemoth that will use less fossil fuel and emit less pollution in the future. India is the fourth largest oil consumer and third largest fossil-fuel CO2-emitting country. According to Federation of American Scientists President Charles Ferguson, "India's electricity demand will increase at a rate of 6 to 8 percent annually" through 2020. Though Ferguson points out that the nuclear pact may only boost India's nuclear-generated electricity from three to five percent of India's demands in the next ten years, his analysis only considers the short-term. Without the deal, India is running low on domestic nuclear fuel and will have to rely more on coal. The resulting increased nuclear energy capability can put India on a path to a more viable clean alternative to fossil fuel beyond 2020. With over a billion people and still growing, diversifying India's energy supply and reducing its carbon footprint will benefit the world greatly.
The agreement will also pull India into the international non-proliferation community. India has always rejected the NPT as discriminatory for not recognizing countries which developed nuclear weapons after 1968. India's refusal to join the NPT as a non-nuclear weapons member means that it does not fall within the non-proliferation regime. However, under the agreement, India will sign the Additional Protocol, allowing the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to inspect its civilian nuclear program; place 14 of 22 civilian power reactors under permanent IAEA safeguards; and continue its moratorium on nuclear weapons testing. While the agreement allows India to maintain its military program, the resulting perception of respect for India, says former IAEA Director Mohamed ElBaradei, will make India more likely to cooperate with the international non-proliferation community.
Rather than worrying that a nuclear cooperation agreement with a non-NPT member undermines the treaty or sends the wrong message to responsible adherents to the NPT, the international community should look to the US-India deal as a potential model for closer collaboration with other non-NPT members. The NSG exempted India from restrictions because, despite not being a member to the NPT, India maintained similar high standards of non-proliferation.
The NSG should set non-proliferation benchmarks for similar agreements with Pakistan and Israel. As Carnegie Endowment's George Perkovich has noted, offering these countries benefits for improved cooperation with the IAEA, bringing more of their facilities under safeguards and ending threats to other non-nuclear states or from cooperation with terrorists will bring them closer to the international non-proliferation establishment. While the US may lose out on the $150 billion Indian nuclear supply market, the non-proliferation advantages of working with, rather than against, India (and other responsible non-NPT states in the future), paired with even small environmental benefits, is a net gain for the United States - and the world.
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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