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US less alarmed by Brazil’s backing of Iran, more concerned with Venezuela and Bolivia
Policymakers in the US may experience slight discomfort with the current state of Brazilian-Iranian relations, but they generally have reason to trust Brasilia's commitment to the non-proliferation agenda. The same cannot be said of Venezuela, with its ambitions of obtaining nuclear technology, or Bolivia, whose uranium deposits could be up for grabs.
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was warmly received by Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva on November 23, 2009, before proceeding on to Bolivia and Venezuela. International wire reports emphasized that President Ahmadinejad's brief visit to Brazil resulted in a statement by President Lula da Silva backing Iran's right to pursue nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. "I defend the same rights with respect to nuclear energy for Iran that I do for Brazil," said Lula da Silva. Iran received similar support in Bolivia and Venezuela, although without the stipulation from those countries that military uses were expressly prohibited (Brazil's 1988 constitution includes a ban on nuclear weapons, which has been referenced repeatedly by Lula da Silva).Although international news outlets have insisted on painting a picture of Brazil as an obstacle to the US' agenda with respect to Iran, Brasilia remains much more closely aligned with Washington's position on Iran than its South American neighbors. In July 2009, the Obama administration requested Brazil's assistance in convincing Ahmadinejad to allow outside inspections of the country's nuclear facilities. Lula da Silva signaled that he would oblige, and has so far taken small steps to show Brazil's disapproval of the potential development of Iranian nuclear weapons. However, the strategy for dealing with Iran hinges on intense dialogue and the building of trust rather than stiffening of sanctions, which only partially satisfies White House requests. Thus, Brazil's recent abstention from an International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) vote to increase sanctions against Iran was seen as evidence of resistance to pressuring Iran. Instead, Brazilian Ambassador to the IAEA Antonio Guerreiro asserted that a fourth round of sanctions on Tehran "[would] only lead to a hardening of the Iranian position." Guerreiro indicated to media outlets that Brazil did in fact intend to pressure Iran, but by other means.
Brazil stands apart from other South American nations that have befriended Iran in a number of other ways. First, pro-Iran rhetoric is closely associated with an anti-Israel stance in neighboring Venezuela and Bolivia. As an emerging leader in world affairs, Brazil aspires to help broker peace in the Middle East, and to that end has maintained strong relations with Israel. In contrast, Venezuela and Bolivia both expelled their Israeli diplomats to protest the December 2008-January 2009 Israeli offensive in Gaza, and press reports from the political opposition also indicate that Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez has created an inhospitable environment for Jews in Venezuela. Second, Brazil has shown far more moderation and restraint in its foreign policy than Venezuela and Bolivia. The Brazilian diplomatic corps may walk a tightrope between disappointing Washington and offending Tehran, but Venezuelan President Chávez and Bolivian President Evo Morales have gone out of their way to encourage constituents to think of Iran as another member of their revolutionary, "anti-imperialist" association, known as the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA). Venezuela in particular has waved the flag of the broader Non-Aligned Movement, which has brought the country even closer to Ahmadinejad. Third, in contrast to long-standing Brazilian trade with Iran that dates back to the early 20th century, Brazil's Andean neighbors only extended a hand to Iran as recently as 2006. They have appeared to back the country for more ideological than pragmatic reasons: President Chávez has emphasized the parallels between Iran and the region's leftist populist governments, mainly the shared goal of freeing their populations and economies from the shackles of "US imperialism." Additionally, President Chávez's legitimization of the political causes of violent extremist organizations (VEOs), such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), Hamas and Hezbollah, has contributed to Venezuela's quasi-pariah status. Brazil officially refuses to label the FARC as a terrorist organization, yet the left-leaning Lula da Silva administration has voiced criticism of its violent methods. Finally, it is believed that Venezuela already has defense agreements with Iran, while Brazil does not.
In a telling episode, in December 2009, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton reprimanded Venezuela and Bolivia for their receptiveness towards Iranian President Ahmadinejad. The top US diplomat issued a harsh warning against the South American countries' decision "to flirt with Iran." Venezuela and Bolivia reacted with outrage to what they perceived as undue US meddling in their affairs. Bolivian President Morales discounted Secretary Clinton's statement on the basis that the US was the one that "exported terrorism," not Iran. However, Brazilian news outlet O Estado de São Paulo noted Secretary Clinton's omission of Brazil in her statement, as well as any detail as to what consequences the Latin American nations might face if they continued to strengthen economic and political ties with Iran. Moreover, Brazilian leaders told the press that they did not believe the US warning applied to them. Whether or not Secretary Clinton intentionally skipped Brazil in her speech, it was taken as a sign that the US is less concerned with Brazil-Iran ties than with those of Venezuela and Bolivia. A close examination of the nuances in Brazilian dealings with Iran shows the threat level to the US to be negligible, whereas Venezuelan and Bolivian ties are more dubious and less transparent. Brazil's determination to prove its credentials as a negotiator, peacemaker, and emerging leader within the international community reinforces this distinction.
The views and opinions expressed in this blog post are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion or position of Concepts & Strategies, Inc.
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